
Qass J]^ as 



n\8 



G- 



IN THE FOURTH YEAR 



^ Mr. WELLS has also written the follow- 
ing novels : 

LOVE AND MR. LEWISHAM 

KIPPS 

MR. POLLY 

THE WHEELS OF CHANCE 

THE NEW MACHIAVELLI 

ANN VERONICA 

TONO BUNGAY 

MARRIAGE 

BEALBY 

THE PASSIONATE FRIENDS 

THE WIFE OF SIR ISAAC HARMAN 

THE RESEARCH MAGNIFICENT 

MR. BRITLING SEES IT THROUGH 

THE SOUL OF A BISHOP 

^ The following fantastic and imaginative 
romances : 

THE WAR OF THE WORLDS 

THE TIME MACHINE 

THE WONDERFUL VISIT 

THE ISLAND OF DR. MOREAU 

THE SEA LADY 

THE SLEEPER AWAKES 

THE FOOD OF THE GODS 

THE WAR IN THE AIR 

THE FIRST MEN IN THE MOON 

IN THE DAYS OF THE COMET 

THE WORLD SET FREE 

And numerous Short Stories no^v collected in One 
Volume under the title of 

THE COUNTRY OF THE BLIND 

^ A Series of books upon Social, Religious 
and Political questions : 

ANTICIPATIONS (1900) 

MANKIND IN THE MAKING 

FIRST AND LAST THINGS 

NEW WORLDS FOR OLD 

A MODERN UTOPIA 

THE FUTURE IN AMERICA 

AN ENGLISHMAN LOOKS AT THE 

WORLD 
WHAT IS COMING? 
WAR AND THE FUTURE 
GOD THE INVISIBLE KING 



^\ And two little books about children's 
play, called : 

FLOOR GAMES and LITTLE WARS 



In the Fourth Year 

ANTICIPATIONS OF A WORLD PEACE 

BY 

H. G. WELLS 

AUTHOR OF "MR. BRITLING SEES IT THROUGH," 

"the war and THE FUTURE," " WHAT IS COMING?" " THE WAR THAT WILL 

END WAR," "the world SET FREE," " IN THE DAYS OF 

THE COMET," AND "A MODERN UTOPIA" 



LONDON 

CHATTO & WINDUS 
1918 






First published . . . June 6, igiS 
Second Impression , . jfune, igi8 
Third Impression . , July, igi8 



7 



All rights reserved 



PRINTED IN ENGLAND BV WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED, 
LONDON AND BBCCLES 



PREFACE 

In the latter half of 1914 a few of us were writing 
that this war was a " War of Ideas." A phrase, 
** The War to end War," got into circulation, amidst 
much sceptical comment. It was a phrase powerful 
enough to sway many men, essentially pacifists, 
towards taking an active part in the war against 
German imperialism, but it was a phrase whose 
chief content was its aspiration. People were 
already writing in those early days of disarmament 
and of the abolition of the armament industry 
throughout the world ; they realized fully the 
■ element of industrial belligerency behind the shining 
armour of imperialism, and they denounced the 
" Krupp-Kaiser " alliance. But against such writing 
and such thought we had to count, in those 
days, great and powerful realities. Even to those 
who expressed these ideas there lay visibly upon 
them the shadow of impracticability ; they were 
very " advanced " ideas in 1914, very Utopian. 
Against them was an unbroken mass of mental 



vi PREFACE 

habit and public tradition. While we talked of this 
" war to end war," the diplomatists of the Powers 
allied against Germany were busily spinning a 
disastrous web of greedy secret treaties, were 
answering aggression by schemes of aggression, 
were seeing in the treacherous violence of Germany 
only the justification for countervailing evil acts. 
To them it was only another war for " ascendancy." 
That was three years and a half ago, and since then 
this " war of ideas " has gone on to a pTiase few of 
us had dared hope for in those opening days. The 
Russian revolution put a match to that pile of 
secret treaties and indeed to all the imperialist plans 
of the Allies ; in the end it will burn them all. The 
greatest of the Western Allies is now the United 
States of America, and the Americans have come 
into this war simply for an idea. Three years and a 
half ago a few of us were saying this was a war against 
the idea of imperialism, not German imperialism 
merely, but British and French and Russian im- 
perialism, and we were saying this not iSecause it 
was so, but because we hoped to see it become so. 
To-day we can say so, because now it is so. 

In those days, moreover, we said this is the 
" war to end war," and we still did not know clearly 
how. We thought in terms of treaties and alliances. 
It is largely the detachment and practical genius 
of the great English-speaking nation across the 



PREFACE vii 

Atlantic that has carried the world on beyond and 
replaced that phrase by the phrase, " The League 
of Nations," a phrase suggesting plainly the organi- 
zation of a sufficient instrument by which war may 
be ended for ever. In 1913 talk of a World League 
of Nations would have seemed, to the extremest 
pitch, " Utopian." To-day the project has an air 
not only of being so practicable, but of being so 
urgent and necessary and so manifestly the sane 
thing before mankind that not to be busied upon it, 
not to be making it more widely known and better 
understood, not to be working out its problems 
and bringing it about, is to be living outside of the 
contemporary life of the world. For a book upon 
any other subject at the present time some apology 
may be necessary, but a book upon this subject is 
as natural a thing to produce now as a pair of skates 
in winter when the ice begins to bear. 

All we writers find ourselves engaged perforce in 
some part or other of a world-wide propaganda of 
this the most creative and hopeful of political ideas 
that has ever dawned upon the consciousness of 
mankind. With no concerted plan we feel called 
upon to serve it. And in no connection would 
one so like to think oneself un-original as in this 
connection. It would be a dismaying thing to 
realize that one were writing anything here which 
was not the possible thought of great multitudes 



viii PREFACE 

of other people, and capable of becoming the 
common thought of mankind. One writes in 
such a book as this not to express oneself but 
to swell a chorus. The idea of the League of 
Nations is so great a one that it may well 
override the pretensions and command the alle- 
giance of kings ; much more does it claim the 
self -subjugation of the journalistic writer. Our 
innumerable books upon this great edifice of a 
World Peace do not constitute a scramble for 
attention, but an attempt to express in every 
varfety of phrase and aspect this one system of 
ideas which now possesses us all. In the same way 
the elementary facts and ideas of the science of 
chemistry might conceivably be put completely 
and fully into one text-book, but, as a matter of 
fact, it is far more convenient to tell that same 
story over in a thousand different forms, in a text- 
book for boys here, for a different sort or class of 
boy there, for adult students, for reference, for 
people expert in mathematics, for people unused 
to the scientific method, and so on. For the last 
year the writer has been doing what he can — and 
a number of other writers have been doing what 
they can — to bring about a united declaration of 
all the Atlantic Allies in favour of a League of 
Nations, and to define the necessary nature of that 
League. He has, in the course of this work, written 



PREFACE 



IX 



a series of articles upon the League and upon the 
necessary sacrifices of preconceptions that the idea 
involves in the London press. He has also been 
trying to clear his own mind upon the real mean- 
ing of that ambiguous word " democracy," for 
which the League is to make the world "safe." 
The bulk of this book is made up of these dis- 
cussions. For a very considerable number of 
readers, it may be well to admit here, it can 
have no possible interest ; they will have come 
at these questions themselves from different angles 
and they will have long since got to their own 
conclusions. But there may be others whose 
angle of approach may be similar to the writer*s, 
who may have asked some or most of the questions 
he has had to ask, and who may be actively inter- 
ested in the answers and the working out of the 
answers he has made to these questions. For them 
this book is printed. 

,, , H. G. WELLS. 

May, 1918. 

It is a dangerous thing to recommend specific books out of 
so large and various a literature as the " League of Nations" 
I ^f , *^«^^y produced, but the reader who wishes to reach 
beyond the range of this book, or who does not like its tone and 
method, win probably find something to meet his needs and tastes 
better in Marburg's "League of Nations." a straightforward 

UnZ %: . M^^?'"" "^^ °' *^^ °^°^«-«-* by'thefZer 
Umt^ States Mimster in Belgium, on the one band, or in the 
concluding parts of Mr. Payle's "Great Settlement " (IQIS) 



X PREFACE 

a frankly sceptical treatment from the British Imperialist point 
of view, on the other. An illuminating discussion, advocating 
peace treaties rather than a league, is Sir Walter Phillimore'a 
"Three Centuries of Treaties." Two excellent books from 
America, that chance to be on my table, are Mr. Goldsmith's 
" League to Enforce Peace " and " A World in Ferment " by 
President Nicholas Murray Butler. Mater's ' ' Soci6t6 des Nations " 
(Didier) is an able presentation of a French point of view. 
Brailsford's " A League of Nations" is abeady a classic of the 
movement in England, and a very full and thorough book ; 
and Hobson's "Towards International Government" is a very 
sympathetic contribution from the English liberal left ; but the 
reader must understand that these two writers seem disposed 
to welcome a peace with an unrevolutionized Germany, an 
idea to which, in common with most British people, I am 
bitterly opposed. Walsh's "World Rebuilt" is a good ex- 
hortation, and Mugge's " Parliament of Man " is fresh and sane 
and able. The omnivorous reader will find good sense emd 
quaint English in Judge Mejdell's "Jus Gentium," published 
in English by Olsen's of Christiania. There is an active League 
of Nations Society in Dublin, as well as the London and Wash- 
ington ones, publishing pamphlets and conducting propaganda. 
All these books and pamphlets I have named happen to lie upon 
my study table as I write, but I have made no systematic effort 
to get together literature upon the subject, and probably there 
are just as many books as good of which I have never even 
heard. There must, I am sure, be statements of the League 
of Nations idea forthcoming from various religious standpoints, 
but I do not know any suflBciently well to recommend them. It 
is incredible that neither the Roman Catholic Church, the 
English Episcopal Church, nor any Nonconformist body has 
made any effort as an organization to forward this essentially 
religious end of peace on earth. And also there must be 
German writings upon this same topic. I mention these diverse 
sources not in order to present a bibliography, but because I 
should be sorry to have the reader think that this little book 
pretends to state the case rather than a case for the League of 
Nations. 



CONTENTS 



PAOB 

I. THE WAT TO CONCRETE BBALIZATION 1 

II. THE IiEAGUE MUST BE BEFKEBENTATIVE 15 

III. THE NECESBABY POWEBS OF THE LEAGUE 28 

IV. THE LABOUB VIEW OF MIDDLE AFBIOA 41 

V. GETTING THE LEAGUE IDEA CLEAR IN RELATION TO 

IMPERIALISM 51 

VI. THE WAR AIMS OF THE WESTERN ALLIES COMPACTLY STATED 80 

VII. THE FUTUBE OF MONABCHY 85 

VIII. THE PLAIN NECESSITY FOR A LEAGUE 98 

IX. DEMOCRACY 113 

X. THE BBCENT STBUGGLE FOR PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTA- 
TION IN GREAT BRITAIN 133 

XI. THE STUDY AND PROPAGANDA OF DEMOCRACY 150 



IN THE FOURTH YEAR 

THE LEAGUE OF FBEE NATIONS 

I 

THE WAY TO CONCRETE REALIZATION 

More and more frequently does one hear this 
phrase, The League of Nations, used to express 
the outline idea of the new world that will come 
out of the war. There can be no doubt that the 
phrase has taken hold of the imaginations of great 
multitudes of people : it is one of those creative 
phrases that may alter the whole destiny of man- 
kind. But as yet it is still a very vague phrase, 
a cloudy promise of peace. I make no apology 
therefore, for casting my discussion of it in the 
most general terms. The idea is the idea of united 
human effort to put an end to wars ; the first 
practical question, that must precede all others, 
is how far can we hope to get to a concrete realiza- 
tion of that ? 

B 



2 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

But first let me note the fourth word in the 
second title of this book. The common talk is of 
a " League of Nations " merely. I follow the man 
who is, more than any other man, the leader of 
English political thought throughout the world 
to-day, President Wilson, in inserting that signifi- 
cant adjective " Free." We western allies know 
to-day what is involved in making bargains with 
governments that do not stand for theii* peoples ; 
we have had all our Russian deal, for example, 
repudiated and thrust back upon our hands ; and 
it is clearly in his mind, as it must be in the minds 
of all reasonable men, that no mere " scrap of 
paper," with just a monarch's or a chancellor's 
endorsement, is a good enough earnest of fellowship 
in the league. It cannot be a diplomatist's league. 
The League of Nations, if it is to have any such 
effect as people seem to hope from it, must be, in 
the first place, " understanded of the people." It 
must be supported by sustained, deliberate explana- 
tion, and by teaching in school and church and 
press of the whole mass of all the peoples concerned. 
I underline the adjective " Free " here to set aside, 
once for all, any possible misconception that this 
modern idea of a League of Nations has any affinity 
to that Holy Alliance of the diplomatists, which 
set out to keep the peace of Europe so disastrously 
a century ago. 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 3 

Later I will discuss the powers of the League. 
But before I come to that I would like to say a 
little about the more general question of its nature 
and authority. What sort of gathering will embody 
it ? The suggestions made range from a mere 
advisory body, rather like the Hague convention, 
which will merely pronounce on the rights and 
wrongs of any international conflict, to the idea of 
a sort of Super-State, a Parliament of Mankind, 
a "Super National" Authority, practically taking 
over the sovereignty of the existing states and 
empires of the world. Most people's ideas of the 
League fall between these extremes. They want 
the League to be something more than an ethical 
court, they want a League that will act, but on the 
other hand they slirink from any loss of " our 
independence." There seems to be p conflict here. 
There is a real need for many people to tidy up 
their ideas at this point. We cannot have our 
cake and eat it. If association is worth while, 
there must be some sacrifice of freedom to associa- 
tion. As a very distinguished colonial representa- 
tive said to me the other day : " Here we are 
talking of the freedom of small nations and the 
* self-determination ' of peoples, and at the same 
time of the Council of the League of Nations and 
all sorts of international controls. Which do we 
want ? " 



4 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

The answer, I think, is " Both." It is a matter 
of more or less, of getting the best thing at the 
cost of the second-best. We may want to relax 
an old association in order to make a newer and 
wider one. It is quite understandable that peoples 
aware of a distinctive national character and in- 
volved in some big existing political complex, 
should wish to disentangle themselves from one 
group of associations in order to enter more effec- 
tively into another, a greater, and more satisfactory 
one. The Finn or the Pole, who has hitherto been 
a rather reluctant member of the synthesis of the 
Russian empire, may well wish to end that attach- 
ment in order to become a free member of a world- 
wide brotherhood. The desire for free arrangement 
is not a desire for chaos. There is such a thing as 
untying your parcels in order to pack them better, 
and I do not see myself how we can possibly con- 
template a great league of freedom and reason in 
the world without a considerable amount of such 
preliminary dissolution. 

It happens, very fortunately for the world, that 
a century and a quarter ago thirteen various and 
very jealous states worked out the problem of a 
Union, and became — after an enormous, exhausting 
wrangle — the United States of America. Now the 
way they solved their riddle was by delegating and 
giving over jealously specified sovereign powers and 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 5 

doing all that was possible to retain the residuum. 
They remained essentially sovereign states. New 
York, Virginia, Massachusetts, for example, re- 
mained legally independent. The practical fusion 
of these peoples into one people outran the legal 
bargain. It was only after long years of discussion 
that the point was conceded ; it was indeed only 
after the Civil War that the implications were fully 
established, that there resided a sovereignty in the 
American people as a whole, as distinguished from 
the peoples of the several states. This is a prece- 
dent that every one who talks about the League of 
Nations should bear in mind. These states set 
up a congress and president in Washington with 
strictly delegated powers. That congress and 
president they delegated to look after certain 
common interests, to deal with interstate trade, to 
deal with foreign powers, to maintain a supreme 
court of law. Everything else — education, militia, 
powers of life and death — the states retained for 
themselves. To this day, for instance, the federal 
courts and the federal officials have no power to 
interfere to protect the lives or property of aliens 
in any part of the union outside the district of 
Columbia. The state governments still see to that. 
The federal government has the legal right perhaps 
to intervene, but it is still chary of such inter- 
vention. And these states of the American Union 



G THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

were at the outset so independent-spirited that 
they would not even adopt a common name. To 
this day they have no common name. We have 
to call them Americans, which is a ridiculous name 
when we consider that Canada, Mexico, Peru, 
Brazil are all of them also in America. Or else 
we have to call them Virginians, Californians, New 
Englanders, and so forth. Their legal and nominal 
separateness weighs nothing against the real 
fusion that their great league has now made 
possible. 

Now, that clearly is a precedent of the utmost 
value in our schemes for this council of the League 
of Nations. We must begin by delegating, as the 
States began by delegating. It is a far cry to the 
time when we shall talk and think of the Sovereign 
People of the Earth, That council of the League 
of Nations will be a tie as strong, we hope, but 
certainly not so close and multiplex as the early 
tie of the States at Washington. It will begin 
by having certain delegated powers and no others. 
It will be an " ad hoc " body. Later its powers 
may grow as mankind becomes accustomed to it. 
But at first it will have, directly or mediately, all 
the powers that seem necessary to restrain the 
world from war — and unless I know nothing of 
patriotic jealousies it will have not a scrap of 
power more. The danger is much more that its 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 7 

powers will be insufficient than that they will be 
excessive. Of that later. What I want to discuss 
here now is the constitution of this delegated 
body. I want to discuss that first in order to 
set aside out of the discussion certain fantastic 
notions that will otherwise get very seriously in 
our way. Fantastic as they are, they have played 
a large part in reducing the Hague Tribunal to 
an ineffective squeak amidst the thunders of this 
war. 

A number of gentlemen scheming out world 
unity in studies have begun their proposals with 
the simple suggestion that each sovereign power 
should send one member to the projected parlia- 
ment of mankind. This has a pleasant democratic 
air ; one sovereign state, one vote. Now let us 
run over a list oi sovereign states and see to what 
this leads us. We find our list includes the British 
Empire, with a population of four hundred millions, 
of which probably half can read and write some 
language or other ; Bogota with a population of 
a million, mostly poets ; Hayti with a population 
of a million and a third, almost entirely illiterate 
and liable at any time to further political dis- 
ruption ; Andorra with a population of four or 
five thousand souls. The mere suggestion of equal 
representation between such " powers " is enough 
to make the British Empire burst into a thousand 



8 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

(voting) fragments. A certain concession to popu- 
lation, one must admit, was made by the theorists ; 
a state of over three miUions got, if I remember 
rightly, two delegates, and if over twenty, three, 
and some of the small states were given a kind of 
intermittent appearance, they only came every other 
time or something of that sort ; but at The Hague 
things still remained in such a posture that three 
or four minute and backward states could outvote 
the British Empire or the United States. Therein 
lies the clue to the insignificance of The Hague. 
Such projects as these are idle projects and we must 
put them out of our heads ; they are against 
nature; the great nations will not suffer them 
for a moment. 

But when we dismiss this idea of representation 
by states, we are left with the problem of the pro- 
portion of representation and of relative weight in 
the Council of the League on our hands. It is the 
sort of problem that appeals terribly to the inge- 
nious. We cannot solve it by making population 
a basis, because that will give a monstrous im- 
portance to the illiterate millions of India and 
China. Ingenious statistical schemes have been 
framed in which the number of university graduates 
and the steel output come in as multipliers, but for 
my own part I am not greatly impressed by statis- 
tical schemes. At the risk of seeming something 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

of a Prussian, I would like to insist upon certain 
brute facts. The business of the League of Nations 
is to keep the peace of the world and nothing else. 
No power will ever dare to break the peace of the 
world if the powers that are capable of making war 
under modern conditions say " iVo." And there 
are only four powers certainly capable at the present 
time of producing the men and materials needed 
for a modern war in sufficient abundance to go on 
fighting : Britain, France, Germany, and the United 
States. There are three others which are very 
doubtfully capable : Italy, Japan, and Austria. 
Russia I will mark — it is all that one can do with 
Russia just now — with a note of interrogation. 
Some day China may be war capable — ^I hope 
never, but it is a possibility. Personally I don't 
think that any other power on earth would have a 
ghost of a chance to resist the will — if it could be 
an honestly united will — of the first-named four. 
All the rest fight by the sanction of and by associa- 
tion with these leaders. They can only fight 
because of the split will of the war-complete powers. 
Some are forced to fight by that very division. 

No one can vie with me in my appreciation of 
,the civilization of Switzerland, Sweden, or Holland, 
but the plain fact of the case is that such powers 
are absolutely incapable of uttering an effective 
protest against war. Far less so are your Haytis 



10 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

and Liberias. The preservation of the world-peace 
rests with the great powers and with the great 
powers alone. If they have the will for peace, it 
is peace. If they have not, it is conflict. The 
four powers I have named can now, if they see 
fit, dictate the peace of the world for ever. 

Let us keep our grip on that. Peace is the 
business of the great powers primarily. Steel out- 
put, university graduates, and so forth may be 
convenient secondary criteria, may be useful ways 
of measuring war efficiency, but the meat and 
substance of the Council of the League of Nations 
must embody the wills of those leading peoples. 
They can give an enduring peace to the little 
nations and the whole of mankind. It can arrive 
in no other way. So I take it that the Council of 
an ideal League of Nations must consist chiefly of 
the representatives of the great belligerent powers, 
and that the representatives of the minor allies 
and of the neutrals — essential though their presence 
will be — must not be allowed to swamp the voices 
of these larger masses of mankind. 

And this state of affairs may come about more 
easily than logical, statistical-minded people may 
be disposed to think. Our first impulse, when we 
discuss the League of Nations idea, is to think of 
some very elaborate and definite scheme of members 
on the model of existing legislative bodies, called 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 11 

together one hardly knows how, and sitting in a 
specially built League of Nations Congress House. 
All schemes are more methodical than reality. We 
think of somebody, learned and " expert," in 
spectacles, with a thin clear voice, reading over 
the " Projected Constitution of a League of Nations " 
to an attentive and respectful Peace Congress. But 
there is a more natural way to a league than that. 
Instead of being made like a machine, the League 
of Nations may come about like a marriage. The 
Peace Congress that must sooner or later meet may 
itself become, after a time, the Council of a League 
of Nations. The League of Nations may come 
upon us by degrees, almost imperceptibly. I am 
strongly obsessed by the idea that that Peace Con- 
gress will necessarily become — and that it is highly 
desirable that it should become — a most prolonged 
and persistent gathering. Why should it not be- 
come at^ length a permanent gathering, inviting 
representatives to aid its deliberations from the 
neutral states, and gradually adjusting itself to 
conditions of permanency ? 

I can conceive no such Peace Congress as those 
that have settled up after other wars, settling up 
after this war. Not only has the war been enor- 
mously bigger than any other war, but it has struck 
deeper at the foundations of social and economic 
life. I doubt if we begin to realize how much of 



12 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

the old system is dead to-day, how much has to be 
remade. Since the beginnings of history there 
has been a credible promise of gold payments under- 
neath our financial arrangements. It is now an 
incredible promise. The value of a pound note 
waves about while you look at it. What will 
happen to it when peace comes no man can tell. 
Nor what will happen to the mark. The rouble 
has gone into the Abyss. Our giddy money 
specialists clutch their handfuls of paper and 
watch it flying down the steep. Much as we may 
hate the Germans, some of us will have to sit 
down with some of the enemy to arrange a common 
scheme for the preservation of credit in money. 
And I presume that it is not proposed to end this 
war in a wild scramble of buyers for such food as 
remains in the world. There is a shortage now, 
a greater shortage ahead of the world, and there 
will be shortages of supply at the source and trans- 
port in food and all raw materials for some years 
to come. The Peace Congress will have to sit and 
organize a share-out and distribution and reor- 
ganization of these shattered supplies. It will have 
to Rhondda the nations. Probably, too, we shall 
have to deal collectively with a pestilence before 
we are out of the mess. Then there are such little 
jobs as the reconstruction of Belgium and Serbia. 
There are considerable rectifications of boundaries 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 13 

to be made. There are fresh states to be created, 
in Poland and Armenia for example. About all 
these smaller states, new and old, that the peace 
must call into being, there must be a system of 
guarantees of the most difficult and complicated 
sort. 

I do not see the Press Congress getting through 
such matters as these in a session of weeks or months. 
The idea the Germans betrayed at Brest, that things 
were going to be done in the Versailles fashion by 
great moustachcd heroes frowning and drawing 
lines with a large black soldierly thumbnail across 
maps, is — old-fashioned. They have made their 
eastern treaties, it is true, in this mode, but they 
are still looking for some really responsible govern- 
ment to keep them now that they are made. 
From first to last clearly the main peace negotiations 
are going to follow unprecedented courses. This 
preliminary discussion of war aims by means of 
great public speeches, that has been getting more 
and more explicit now for many months, is quite 
unprecedented. Apparently all the broad pre- 
liminaries are to be stated and accepted in the 
sight of all mankind before even an armistice occurs 
on the main, the western front. The German 
diplomatists hate this process. So do a lot of 
ours. So do some of the diplomatic Frenchmen, 
The German junkers are dodging and lying, they 



U THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

are fighting desperately to keep back everything 
they possibly caii for the bargaining and bullying 
and table-banging of the council chamber, but 
that way there is no peace. And when at last 
Germany says snip sufficiently to the Allies' snap, 
and the Peace Congress begins, it will almost cer- 
tainly be as unprecedented as its prelude. Before 
it meets, the broad lines of the settlement will 
have been dra^^n plainly with the approval of the 
mass of mankind. 



II 

THE LEAGUE MUST BE REPRESENTATIVE 

A Peace Congress, growing permanent, then, 
may prove to be the most practical and convenient 
embodiment of this idea of a League of Nations 
that has taken possession of the imagination of the 
world. A most necessary preliminary to a Peace 
Congress, with such possibilities inherent in it, must 
obviously be the meeting and organization of a 
preliminary League of the Allied Nations. That 
point I would now enlarge. 

Half a world peace is better than none. There 
seems no reason whatever why the world should 
wait for the Central Powers before it begins this 
necessary work. Mr. McCurdy has been asking 
lately, " Why not the League of Nations now ? " 
That is a question a great number of people would 
like to echo very heartily. The nearer the Allies 
can come to a League of Free Nations before the 
Peace Congress the more prospect there is that that 
body will approximate in nature to a League of 
Nations for the whole world. 

15 



16 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

In one most unexpected quarter the same idea 
has been endorsed. The King's Speech on the 
prorogation of Parhament this February was one 
of the most remarkable royal utterances that have 
ever been made from the British throne. There 
was less of the old-fashioned King and more of the 
modern President about it than the most republican* 
minded of us could have anticipated. For the 
tii'st time in a King's Speech we heard of the 
" democracies " of the world, and there was a clear 
claim that the Allies at present fighting the Central 
Powers did themselves constitute a League of 
Nations. 

But we must admit that at present they do 
so only in a very rhetorical sense. There is no 
real council of empowered representatives, and 
nothing in the nature of a united front has been 
prepared. Unless we provide beforehand for some- 
thing more effective, Italy, France, the United 
States, Japan, and this country will send separate 
groups of representatives, with separate instruc- 
tions, unequal status, and very probably conflicting 
views upon many subjects, to the ultimate peace 
discussions. It is quite conceivable — it is a very 
serious danger — that at this discussion skilful 
diplomacy on the part of the Central Powers may 
open a cleft among the Allies that has never 
appeared during the actual war. Have the British 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 17 

settled, for example, with Italy and Fiance for the 
supply of metallurgical coal after the war ? Those 
countries must have it somehow. Across the board 
Germany can make some tempting bids in that 
respect. Or take another question : Have the 
British arrived at common views with France, 
Belgium, Portugal, and South Africa about the 
administration of Central Africa ? Suppose Ger- 
many makes sudden proposals affecting native 
labour that win over the Portuguese and the Boers ? 
There are a score of such points upon which we 
shall find the Allied representatives haggling with 
each other in the presence of the enemy if they 
have not been settled beforehand. 

It is the plainest common sense that we should 
be fixing up all such matters with our Allies now, 
and knitting together a common front for the final 
deal with German Imperialism. And these things 
are not to be done effectively and bindingly nowa- 
days by official gentlemen in discreet undertones. 
They need to be done with the full knowledge and 
authority of the participating peoples. 

The Russian example has taught the world the 
instability of diplomatic bargains in a time of such 
fundamental issues as the present. There is little 
hope and little strength in hole-and-corner bargain- 
ings between the officials or politicians who happen 

to be at the head of this or that nation for the time 

c 



18 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

being. Our Labour people will not stand this sort 
of thing and they will not be bound by it. There 
will be the plain danger of repudiation for all 
arrangements made in that fashion. A gathering 
of somebody or other approved by the British 
Foreign Office and of somebody or other approved 
by the French Foreign Office, of somebody with 
vague powers from America, and so on and so on, 
will be an entirely ineffective gathering. But that 
is the sort of gathering of the Allies -we have been 
having hitherto, and that is the sort of gathering 
that is likely to continue unless there is a con- 
siderable expression of opinion in favour of some- 
thing more representative and responsible. 

Even our Foreign Office must be aware that 
in every country in the world there is now bitter 
suspicion of and keen hostility towards merely 
diplomatic representatives. One of the most sig- 
nificant features of the time is the evident desire 
of the Labom* movement in every European country 
to take part in a collateral conference of Labour 
that shall meet when and where the Peace Congress 
does and deliberate and comment on its proceed- 
ings. For a year now the demand of the masses 
for such a Labour conference has been growing. 
It marks a distrust of officialdom whose intensity 
officialdom would do well to ponder. But it is the 
natural consequence of, it is the popular attempt 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 19 

at a corrective to, the aloofness and obscurity that 
have hitherto been so evil a characteristic of inter- 
national negotiations. I do not think Labour and 
intelligent people anywhere are going to be fobbed 
off with an old-fashioned diplomatic gathering 
as being that League of Free Nations they 
demand. 

On the other hand, I do not contemplate this 
bi-cameral conference with the diplomatists trying 
to best and humbug the Labour people as well as 
each other and the Labour people getting more and 
more irritated, suspicious, and extremist, with 
anything but dread. The Allied countries must go 
into the conference solid, and they can only hope 
to do that by heeding and incorporating Labour 
ideas before they come to the conference. The 
only alternative that I can see to this unsatisfactory 
prospect of a Peace Congress sitting side by side 
with a dissentient and probably revolutionary 
Labour and Socialist convention — both gatherings 
with unsatisfactory credentials contradicting one 
another and drifting to opposite extremes — ^is that 
the delegates the Allied Powers send to the Peace 
Conference (the same delegates which, if they are 
wise, they will have previously sent to a pre- 
liminary League of Allied Nations to discuss their 
common action at the Peace Congress), should be 
elected ad hoc upon democratic lines. 



20 THK LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

I know that this will be a very shocking proposal 
to all our able specialists in foreign policy. They 
will talk at once about the "ignorance" of people 
like the Labour leaders and myself about such 
matters, and so on. What do we know of the 
treaty of so-and-so that was signed in the year 
seventeen something ? — and so on. To which the 
answer is that we ought not to have been kept 
ignorant of these things. A day will come when 
the Foreign Offices of all countries will have to 
recognize that what the people do not know of 
international agreements "ain't facts." A secret 
treaty is only binding upon the persons in the 
secret. But what I, as a sample common person, 
am not ignorant of is this : that the business 
that goes on at the Peace Congress will either 
make or mar the lives of everyone I care for in 
the world, and that somehow, by representative 
or what not, I have to be there. The Peace Congress 
deals with the blood and happiness of my children 
and the future of my world. Speaking as one 
of the hundreds of millions of " rank outsiders " in 
public affairs, I do not mean to respect any peace 
treaty that may end this war unless I am honestly 
represented at its making. I think everywhere 
there is a tendency in people to follow the Russian 
example to this extent and to repudiate bargains 
in which they have had no voice. 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 21 

I do not see that any genuine realization of the 
hopes with which all this talk about the League 
of Nations is charged can be possible, unless the 
two bodies which should naturally lead up to the 
League of Nations — that is to say, fiistly, the 
Conference of the Allies, and then the Peace 
Congress — are elected bodies, speaking confidently 
for the whole mass of the peoples behind them. 
It may be a troublesome thing to elect them, but 
it will involve much more troublesome conse- 
quences if they are not elected. This, I think, is 
one of the considerations for which many people's 
minds are still unprepared. But unless we arQ to 
have over again after all this bloodshed and effort 
some such " Peace with Honour " foolery as we 
had performed by " Dizzy " and Salisbury at that 
fatal Berlin Conference in which this present war 
was begotten, we must sit up to this novel proposal 
of electoral representation in the peace negotiations. 
Something more than common sense binds our 
statesmen to this idea. They are morally pledged 
to it. President Wilson and our British and French 
spokesmen alike have said over and over again 
that they want to deal not with the Hohcnzollerns ''^ 
but with the German people. In other words, wc 
have demanded elected representatives from the 
German people with whom we may deal, and 
how can we make a demand of that sort unless 



22 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

we on our part are already prepared to send 
our own elected representatives to meet them ? 
It is up to us to indicate by our own practice 
how we on our side, professing as wc do to act 
for democracies, to make democracy safe on 
the earth, and so on, intend to meet this new 
occasion. 

Yet it has to be remarked that, so far, not 
one of the League of Nations projects I have seen 
have included any practicable proposals for the 
appointment of delegates either to that ultimate 
body or to its two necessary predecessors, the 
Council of the Allies and the Peace Congress. 
It is evident that here, again, we are neglecting 
to get on with something of very urgent im- 
portance. I will venture, therefore, to say a 
word or two here about the possible way in 
which a modern community may appoint its 
international representatives. 

And here, again, I turn from any European 
precedents to that political outcome of the British 
mind, the Constitution of the United States. 
(Because we must always remember that while our 
political institutions in Britain are a patch-up of 
feudalism, Tudor, Stuart, and Hanoverian mon- 
archist traditions and urgent merely European 
necessities, a patch-up that has been made quasi- 
democratic in a series of after-thoughts, the 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 23 

American Constitution is a real, deliberate creation 
of the English-speaking intelligence.) The Presi- 
dent of the United States, then, we have to note, 
is elected in a most extraordinary way, and in a 
way that has now the justification of very great 
successes indeed. On several occasions the United 
States has achieved indisputable greatness in its 
Presidents, and very rarely has it failed to set up 
very leaderly and distinguished men. It is worth 
while, therefore, to inquire how this President is 
elected. He is neither elected directly by the people 
nor appointed by any legislative body. He is 
chosen by a special college elected by the people. 
This college exists to elect him ; it meets, elects 
him, and disperses. (I will not here go into the 
preliminary complications that makes the election 
of a President follow upon a preliminary election 
of two Presidential Candidates. The point I am 
making here is that he is a specially selected man 
chosen ad hoc.) Is there any reason why we should 
not adopt this method in this new necessity we 
are under of sending representatives, first, to the 
long overdue and necessary Allied Council, then 
to the Peace Congress, and then to the hoped-for 
Council of the League of Nations ? 

I am anxious here only to start for discussion 
the idea of an electoral representation of the nations 
upon these three bodies that must in succession 



24 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

set themselves to define, organize, and maintain 
the peace of the world. I do not wish to com- 
plicate the question by any too explicit advocacy 
of methods of election or the like. In the United 
States this college which elects the President is 
elected on the same register of voters as that which 
elects the Senate and Congress, and at the same 
time. But I suppose if we are to give a popular 
mandate to the three or five or twelve or twenty 
(or whatever number it is) men to whom we are 
going to entrust our Empire's share in this great 
task of the peace negotiations, it will be more 
decisive of the will of the whole nation if the college 
that had to appoint them is elected at a special 
election. I suppose that the great British common- 
weals over-seas, at present not represented in 
Parliament, would also and separately at the same 
time elect colleges to appoint their representatives. 
I suppose there would be at least one Indian repre- 
sentative elected, perhaps by some special electoral 
conference of Indian princes and leading men. The 
chief defect of the American Presidential election 
is that as the old single vote method of election is 
employed it has to be fought on purely party lines. 
He is the select man of the Democratic half, or 
of the Republican half of the nation. He is not 
the select man of the whole nation. It would give 
a far more representative character to the electoral 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 25 

college if it could be elected by fair modern 
methods, if for this particular purpose parliamentary 
constituencies could be grouped and the clean 
scientific method of proportional representation 
could be wsed. But I suppose the party politician 
in this, as in most of our affairs, must still have his 
pound of our flesh — and we must reckon with him 
later for the bloodshed. 

These are all, however, secondary considera- 
tions. The above paragraph is, so to speak, in the 
nature of a footnote. The fundamental matter, if 
we are to get towards any realization of this ideal 
of a world peace sustained by a League of Nations, 
is to get straight away to the conception of direct 
special electoral mandates in this matter. At 
present all the political luncheon and dinner parties 
in London are busy with smirking discussions of 
*' Who is to go ? " The titled ladies are particu- 
larly busy. They are talking about it as if we 
poor, ignorant, tax-paying, blood-paying common 
people did not exist. " L. G.," they say, will of 
course " insist on going," but there is much talk 
of the " Old Man." People are getting quite nice 
again about " the Old Man's feelings." It would 
be such a pretty thing to send him. But if " L. G." 
goes we want him to go with something more than 
a backing of intrigues and snatched authority. 
And I do not think the mass of people have any 



26 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

enthusiasm for the Old Man. It is difficult again — 
by the dinner-party standards — to know how Lord 
Curzon can be restrained. But we common people 
do not care if he is restrained to the point of 
extinction. Probably there will be nobody who 
talks or understands Russian among the British 
representatives. But, of course, the British 
governing class has washed its hands of the 
Russians. They were always very difficult, and 
now they are "impossible, my dear, perfectly 
impossible." 

No ! That sort of thing will not do now. 
This Peace Congress is too big a job for party 
politicians and society and county families. The 
bulk of British opinion cannot go on being repre- 
sented for ever by President Wilson. We cannot 
always look to the Americans to express our ideas 
and do our work for democracy. The foolery of 
the Berlin Treaty must not be repeated. We 
cannot have another popular Prime Minister come 
triumphing back to England with a gross of pink 
spectacles — through which we may survey the 
prospect of the next great war. The League of 
Free Nations means something very big and solid ; 
it is not a rhetorical phrase to be used to pacify a 
restless, distressed, and anxious public, and to be 
sneered out of existence when that use is past. 
When the popular mind now demands a League 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 27 

of Free Nations it demands a reality. The only 
way to that reality is through the direct participa- 
tion of the nation as a whole in the settlement, and 
that is possible only through the direct election for 
this particular issue of representative and respon- 
sible men. 



Ill 

THE NECESSARY POWERS OF THE LEAGUE 

If this phrase, " the League of Free Nations," is 
to signify anything more than a rhetorical flourish, 
then certain consequences follow that have to be 
faced now. No man can join a partnership and 
remain an absolutely free man. You cannot bind 
yourself to do this and not to do that and to 
consult and act with your associates in certain 
eventualities without a loss of your sovereign 
freedom. People in this country and in France 
do not seem to be sitting up manfully to these 
necessary propositions. 

If this League of Free Nations is really to be an 
effectual thing for the preservation of the peace of 
the world it must possess power and exercise power, 
powers must be delegated to it. Otherwise it will 
only help, with all other half-hearted good resolu- 
tions, to pave the road of mankind to hell. Nothing 
in all the world so strengthens evil as the half- 
hearted attempts of good to make good. 

It scarcely needs repeating here — it has been 

28 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 20 

so generally said — that no League of Free Nations 
can hope to keep the peace unless every member of 
it is indeed a free member, represented by duly 
elected persons. Nobody, of course, asks to "dictate 
the internal government " of any country to that 
country. If Germans, for instance, like to wallow 
in absolutism after the war they can do so. But if 
they or any other peoples wish to t..ke part in a 
permanent League of Free Nations it is only 
reasonable to insist that so far as their representa- 
tives on the council go they must be duly elected 
under conditions that are by the standards of the 
general league satisfactorily democratic. That 
seems to be only the common sense of the matter. 
Every court is a potential conspiracy against 
freedom, and the League cannot tolerate merely 
court appointments. If coiirts are to exist aay- 
where in the new world of the future, they will be 
wise to stand aloof from international meddling. 
Of course if a people, after due provision for 
electoral representation, choose to elect dynastic 
candidates, that is an altogether different matter. 

And now let us consider what are the powers 
that must be delegated to this proposed council of 
a League of Free Nations, if that is really effec- 
tually to prevent war and to organize and establish 
and make peace permanent in the world. 

Firstly, then, it must be able to adjudicate upon 



SOOTHE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

all international disputes whatever. Its first func- 
tion must clearly be that. Before a war can break 
out there must be the possibility of a world decision 
upon its rights and wrongs. The League, therefore, 
will have as its primary function to maintain a 
Supreme Court, whose decisions will be final, before 
which every sovereign power may appear as plaintiff 
against any other sovereign power or group of 
powers. The plea, I take it, will always be in the 
form that the defendant power or powers is engaged 
in proceedings " calculated to lead to a breach of 
the peace," and calling upon the League for an 
injunction against such proceedings. I suppose 
the proceedings that can be brought into court in 
this way fall under such headings as these that 
follow ; restraint of trade by injurious tariffs or 
suchlike differentiations or by interference with 
through traffic, improper treatment of the subjects 
or their property (here I put a query) of the plaintiff 
nation in the defendant state, aggressive military 
or naval preparation, disorder spreading over the 
frontier, trespass (as, for instance, by airships), pro- 
paganda of disorder, espionage, permitting the 
organization of injurious activities, such as raids 
or piracy. Clearly all such actions must come 
within the purview of any world-supreme coiu-t 
organized to prevent war. But in addition there 
is a more doubtful and delicate class of case, 



I 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 31 

arising out of the discontent of patches of one race 
or religion in the dominions of another. How far 
may the supreme court of the world attend to 
grievances between subject and sovereign ? 

Such cases are highly probable, and no large, 
vague propositions about the " self-determination " 
of peoples can"meet all the cases. In Macedonia, for 
instance, there is a jumble of Albanian, Serbian, 
Bulgarian, Greek and Rumanian villages always 
jostling one another and maintaining an intense 
irritation between the kindred nations close at 
hand. And quite a large number of areas and 
cities in the world, it has to be remembered, are 
not homogeneous at all. Will the great nations 
of the world have the self-abnegation to permit a 
scattered subject population to appeal against the 
treatment of its ruling power to the Supreme 
Court ? This is a much more serious interference 
with sovereignty than intervention in an external 
quarrel, Could a Greek village in Bulgarian 
Macedonia plead in the Supreme Court ? Could 
the Armenians in Constantinople, or the Jews in 
Roumania, or the Poles in West Prussia, or the 
negroes in Georgia, or the Indians in the Transvaal 
make such an appeal ? Could any Indian popula- 
tion in India appeal ? Personally I should like to 
see the power of the. Supreme Court extend as far 
as this. I do not see how we can possibly prevent 



32 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

a kindred nation pleading for the scattered people 
of its own race and culture, or any nation pre- 
senting a case on behalf of some otherwise unrepre- 
sented people — the United States, for example, 
presenting a case on behalf of the Armenians. But 
I doubt if many people have made up their minds 
yet to see the powers of the Supreme Court of the 
League of Nations go so far as this. I doubt if, to 
begin with, it will be possible to provide for these 
cases. I would like to see it done, but I doubt if 
the majority of the sovereign peoples concerned 
will reconcile their national pride with the idea, at 
least so far as their own subject populations go. 

Here, you see, I do no more than ask a question. 
It is a difficult one, and it has to be answered before 
we can clear the way to the League of Free Nations. 

But the Supreme Court, whether it is to hare 
the wider or the narrower scope here suggested, 
would be merely the central function of the League 
of Free Nations. Behind the decisions of the 
Supreme Court must lie power. And here come 
fresh difficulties for patriotic digestions. The 
armies and navies of the world must be at the 
disposal of the League of Free Nations, and that 
opens up a new large area of delegated authority. 
The first impulse of any power disposed to challenge 
the decisions of the Supreme Court will be, of course, 
to arm ; and it is difficult to imagine how the League 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 33 

of Free Nations can exercise any practical authority 
unless it has power to restrain such armament. 
The League of Free Nations must, in fact, if it is 
to be a working reality, have power to define and 
limit the military and naval and aerial equipment 
of every country in the world. This means some- 
thing more than a restriction of state forces. It 
must have power and freedom to investigate the 
military and naval and aerial establishments of all 
its constituent powers. It must also have effective 
control over every armament industry. And arma- 
ment industries are not always easy to define. Are 
aeroplanes, for example, armament ? Its powers, 
I suggest, must extend even to a restraint upon the 
belligerent propaganda which is the natural adver- 
tisement campaign of every armament industry. 
It must have the right, for example, to raise the 
question of the proprietorship of newspapers by 
armament interests. Disarmament is, in fact, a 
necessary factor of any League of Free Nations, and 
you cannot have disarmament unless you are pre- 
pared to see the powers of the council of the League 
extend thus far. The very existence of the League 
presupposes that it and it alone is to have and to 
exercise military force. Any other belligerency 
or preparation or incitement to belligerency becomes 
rebellion, and any other arming a threat of rebellion, 
in a world League of Free Nations. 



31 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

But here, again, has the general mind yet thought 
out all that is involved in this proposition ? In all 
the great belligerent countries the armament in- 
dustries are now huge interests with enormous 
powers. Krupp's business alone is as powerful a 
thing in Germany as the Crown. In every country 
a heavily subsidized " patriotic " press will fight 
desperately against giving powers so extensive and 
thorough as those here suggested to an international 
body. So long, of course, as the League of Free 
Nations remains a project in the air, without body 
or parts, such a press will sneer at it gently as 
" Utopian," and even patronize it kindly. But 
so soon as the League takes on the shape its 
general proposition makes logically necessary, the 
armament interest will take fright. Then it is we 
shall hear the drum patriotic loud in defence of the 
human blood trade. Are we to hand over these 
most intimate affairs of ours to " a lot of foreign- 
ers " ? Among these " foreigners " who will be 
appealed to to terrify the patriotic souls of the 
British will be the " Americans." Are we men 
of English blood and tradition to see our affairs 
controlled by such " foreigners " as Wilson, 
Lincoln, Webster and Washington ? Perish the 
thought ! When they might be controlled by 
Disraelis, Wettins, Mount-Battens, and what notl 
And so on and so on, Krupp's agents and the 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 35 

agents of the kkidred firms in Great Britain and 
France will also be very busy with the national 
pride of France. In Germany they have already 
created a colossal suspicion of England. 

Here is a giant in the path. . . . 

But let us remember that it is only necessary 
to defeat the propaganda of this vile and dangerous 
industry in four gTcat countries. And for the 
common citizen, touched on the tenderest part of 
his patriotic susceptibilities, there are certain irre- 
futable arguments. Whether the ways of the 
world in the years to come are to be the paths 
of peace or the paths of war is not going to alter 
this essential fact, that the great educated world 
communities, with a social and industrial organi- 
zation on a war-capable scale, are going to dominate 
human affairs. Whether they spend their power 
in killing or in educating and creating, France, 
Germany, however much we may resent it, the two 
great English-speaking communities, Italy, Japan 
China, and presently perhaps a renascent Russia, 
are jointly going to control the destinies of mankind. 
Whether that joint control comes tlu:ough arms or 
through the law is a secondary consideration. To 
refuse to bring our affairs into a common council 
does not make us independent of foreigners. It 
makes us more dependent upon them, as a very 
little consideration will show. 



36 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

I am suggesting here that the League of Free 
Nations shall practically control the army, navy, 
air forces, and armament industry of every nation 
in the world. What is the alternative to that ? 
To do as we please ? No, the alternative is that 
any malignant country will be free to force upon 
all the rest just the maximum amount of armament 
it chooses to adopt. Since 1871 France, we say, 
has been free in military matters. What has been 
the value of that freedom ? The truth is, she has 
been the bond-slave of Germany, bound to watch 
Germany as a slave watches a master, bound to 
launch submarine for submarine and cast gun for 
gun, to sweep all her youth into her army, to subdue 
her trade, her literature, her education, her whole 
life to the necessity of preparations imposed upon 
her by her drill-master over the Rhine. And 
Michael, too, has been a slave to his imperial 
master for the self-same reason, for the reason that 
Germany and France were both so proudly sove- 
reign and independent. Both countries have been 
slaves to Kruppism and Zabernism — because they 
were sovereign and free ! So it will always be. So 
long as patriotic cant can keep the common man 
jealous of international controls over his belligerent 
possibilities, so long will he be the helpless slave of 
the foreign threat, and " Peace " remain a me^e 
name for the resting phase between wars. 



THE LEAGUE OF FIIEE NATIONS Q7 

But power over the military resources of the 
world is by no means the limit of the necessary 
powers of an effective League of Free Nations. 
There are still more indigestible implications in 
the idea, and, since they have got to be digested 
sooner or later if civilization is not to collapse, 
there is no reason why we should not begin to bite 
upon them now. I was much interested to read 
the British press upon the alleged proposal of 
the German Chancellor that we should give 
up (presumably to Germany) Gibraltar, Malta, 
Egypt, and suchlike key possessions. It seemed to 
excite several of our politicians extremely. I read 
over the German Chancellor's speech very care- 
fully, so far as it was available, and it is clear 
that he did not propose anything of the sort. 
Wilfully or blindly our press and our demagogues 
screamed over a false issue. The Chancellor was 
defending the idea of the Germans remaining in 
Belgium and Lorraine because of the strategic and 
economic importance of those regions to Germany, 
and he was arguing that before we English got 
into such a feverish state of indignation about that, 
we should first ask ourselves what we were doing 
in Gibraltar, etc., etc. That is a different thing 
altogether. And it is an argument that is not to 
be disposed of by misrepresentation. The British 
have to think hard over this quite legitimate 



88 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

German tu quoque. It is no good getting into a 
patriotic bad temper and refusing to answer that 
question. We British people ai'e so persuaded of 
the purity and unselfishness with which we dis- 
charge our imperial responsibilities, we have been 
so trained in imperial self-satisfaction, we know so 
certainly that all our subject nations call us blessed, 
that it is a little difficult for us to see just how the 
fact that we are, for example, so deeply rooted in 
Egypt looks to an outside intelligence. Of course 
the German imperialist idea is a wicked and aggres- 
sive idea, as Lord Robert Cecil has explained ; 
they want to set up all over the earth coaling 
stations and strategic points, on the pattern of ours. 
Well, they argue, we are only trying to do what 
you British have done. If we are not to do so — 
because it is aggression and so on and so on — is 
not the time ripe for you to make some concessions 
to the public opinion of the world ? That is the 
German argument. Either, they say, tolerate this 
idea of a Germany with advantageous posts and 
possessions round and about the earth, or recon- 
sider yom* own position. 

Well, at the risk of rousing much patriotic 
wrath, I must admit that I think we have to re- 
consider our position. Our argument is that in 
India, Egypt, Africa and elsewhere, we stand for 
order and civilization, we are the trustees of freedom. 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 39 

the agents of knowledge and efficiency. On the 
whole the record of British rule is a pretty 
respectable one ; I am not ashamed of our record. 
Nevertheless the case is altering. 

It is quite justifiable for us British, no doubt, 
if we do really play the part of honest trustees, 
to remain in Egypt and in India under existing 
conditions ; it is even possible for us to glance at 
the helplessness of Arabia, Palestine, and Meso- 
potamia, as yet incapable of self-government, 
helpless as new-born infants. But our case, our 
only justifiable case, is that we are trustees because 
there is no better trustee possible. And the crea- 
tion of a council of a League of Free Nations would 
be like the creation of a Public Trustee for the 
world. The creation of a League of Free Nations 
must necessarily be the creation of an authority 
that may legitimately call existing empires to give 
an account of their stewardship. For an unchecked 
fragmentary control of tropical and chaotic regions, 
it substitutes the possibility of a general authority'. 
And this must necessarily alter the problems not 
only of the politically immature nations and the 
control of the tropics, but also of the regulation of 
the sea ways, the regulation of the coming air 
routes, and the distribution of staple products in 
the world. I will not go in detail over the items 
of this list, because the reader can fill in the 



40 THE LEAGUE iW FREE MATiO.NS 

essentials of the argument from what has gone 
before. I want simply to suggest how widely this 
project of a League of Free Nations swings when 
once you have let it swing freely in your mind ! 
And if you do not let it swing freely in yom' mind, 
it remains nothing — a sentimental gesture. 

The plain truth is that the League of Free 
Nations, if it is to be a reality, if it is to effect a real 
pacification of the world, must do no less than 
supersede Empire ; it must end not only this new 
German imperialism, which is struggling so savagely 
and powerfully to possess the earth, but it must also 
wind up British imperialism and French imperial- 
ism, which do now so largely and inaggressively 
possess it. And, moreover, this idea queries the 
adjective of Belgian, Portuguese, French, and 
British Central Africa alike, just as emphatically 
as it queries " German." Still more effectually 
does the League forbid those creations of the 
futurist imagination, the imperialism of Italy and 
Greece, which make such threatening gestures at 
the world of our children. Are these incompati- 
bilities understood ? Until people have faced the 
clear antagonism that exists between imperialism 
and internationalism, they have not begun to sus- 
pect the real significance of this project of the 
League of Free Nations. They have not begun to 
realize that peace also has its price. 



IV 

THE LABOUR VIEW OF MIDDLE AFRICA 

I WAS recently privileged to hear the views of one 
of those titled and influential ladies — with a general 
education at about the fifth standard level, plus a 
little French, German, Italian, and music — who 
do so much to make our England what it is at the 
present time, upon the Labour idea of an inter- 
national control of " fropical " Africa. She was 
loud and derisive about the " ignorance " of Labour. 
" What can they know about foreign politics ? " 
she said, with gestures to indicate her conception 
of them. 

I was moved to ask her what she would do 
about Africa. *' Leave it to Lord Robert I " she 
said, leaning forward impressively. " Leave it to 
the people who knowJ*^ 

Unhappily I share the evident opinion of Labour 
that we are not blessed with any profoundly wise 
class of people who have definite knowledge and 
clear intentions about Africa, that these ^^ people 
who know " are mostly a pretentious bluff, and so, 



42 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

ill spite of a very earnest desire to take refuge in 
my " ignorance " from the burthen of thinking 
about African problems, I find myself obliged, like 
most other people, to do so. In the interests of 
our country, our children, and the world, we com- 
mon persons have to have opinions about these 
matters. A muddle-up in Africa this year may 
kill your son and mine in the course of the next 
decade* I know this is not a claim to be interested 
in things African, such as the promoter of a tropical 
railway or an oil speculator has ; still it is a claim. 
And for the life of me I cannot see what is wrong 
about the Labour proposals, or what alternative 
exists that can give even a hope of peace in and 
about Africa. 

The gist of the Labour proposal is an inter- 
national control of Africa between the Zambesi 
and the Sahara. This has been received with loud 
protests by men whose work one is obliged to re- 
spect, by Sir Harry Johnston, for example, and 
Sir Alfred Sharpe, and with something approaching 
a shriek of hostility by Mr. Cunninghame Graham. 
But I think these gentlemen have not perhaps 
given the Labour proposal quite as much attention 
as they have spent upon the details of African con- 
ditions. I think they have jumped to conciusions 
at the mere sound of the word " international." 
There have been some gross failures in the past to 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 43 

set up international administrations in Africa and 
the Near East. And these gentlemen think at 
once of some new Congo administration and of 
nondescript police forces commanded by cosmo- 
politan adventurers. (See Joseph Conrad's " Out- 
post of Civilization.") They think of international- 
ism with greedy Great Powers in the background 
outside the internationalized area, intriguing to 
create disorder and mischief with ideas of an ulti- 
mate annexation. But I doubt if such nightmares 
do any sort of justice to the Labour intention. 

And the essential thing I would like to point 
out to these authorities upon African questions 
is that not one of them even hints at any other 
formula which covers the broad essentials of the 
African riddle. 

What are these broad essentials ? What are 
the ends that must be achieved if Africa is not to 
continue a festering sore in the body of mankind ? 

The first most obvious danger of Africa is the 
militarization of the black. General Smuts has 
pointed this out plainly. The negro makes a good 
soldier ; he is hardy, he stands the sea, and he 
stands cold. (There was a negro in the little party 
which reached the North Pole.) It is absolutely 
essential to the peace of the world that there should 
be no arming of the negroes beyond the minimum 
necessary for the policing of Africa. But how is 



ii THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

this to be watched and prevented if there is no 
overriding body representing civiHzation to say 
" Stop " to the beginnings of any such militariza- 
tion ? I do not see how Sir Harry Johnston, Sir 
Alfred Sharpe, and the other authorities can object 
to at least an international African " Disarmament 
Commission " to watch, warn, and protest. At 
least they must concede that. 

But in practice this involves something else. 
A practical consequence of this disarmament idea 
must be an effective control of the importation of 
arms into the " tutelage " areas of Africa. That 
rat at the dykes of civilization, that ultimate ex- 
pression of political scoundrelism, the Gun-Runner, 
has to be kept under and stamped out in Africa as 
everywhere. A Disarmament Commission that has 
no forces available to prevent the arms trade will 
be just another Hague Convention, just another 
vague, well-intentioned, futile gesture. 

And closely connected with this function of 
controlling the arms trade is another great neces- 
sity of Africa under " tutelage," and that is the 
necessity of a common collective agreement not to 
demoralize the native population. That demorali- 
zation, physical and moral, has already gone far. 
The whole negro population of Africa is now rotten 
with diseases introduced by Arabs and Europeans 
during the last century, and such African statesmen 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 45 

as Sir Harry Johnston are eloquent upon the neces- 
sity of saving the blacks — and the baser whites — 
from the effects of trade gin and similar alluring 
articles of commerce. Moreover, from Africa there 
is always something new in the way of tropical 
diseases, and presently Africa, if we let it continue 
to fester as it festers now, may produce an epi- 
demic that will stand exportation to a temperate 
climate. A bacterium that may kill you or me in 
some novel and disgusting way may even now be 
developing in some Congo muck-heap. So here is 
the need for another Commission to look after the 
Health of Africa. That, too, should be of authority 
over all the area of " tutelage " Africa. It is no 
good stamping out infectious disease in Nyasaland 
while it is being bred in Portuguese East Africa. 
And if there is a Disarmament Commission already 
controlling the importation of arms, why should 
not that body also control at the same time the 
importation of trade gin and similar delicacies, 
and direct quarantine and such-like health regu- 
lations ? 

But there is another question in Africa upon 
which our *' ignorant " Labour class is far better 
informed than our dear old eighteenth-century 
upper class which still squats so firmly in our 
Foreign and Colonial Offices, and that is the 
question of forced labcAir. We cannot tolerate 



46 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

any possibilities of the enslavement of black Africa. 
Long ago the United States found out the impos- 
sibility of having slave labour working in the same 
system with white. To cure that anomaly cost 
the United States a long and bloody war. The 
slave-owner, the exploiter of the black, becomes 
a threat and a nuisance to any white democracy. 
He brings back his loot to corrupt Press and life at 
home. What happened in America in the midst 
of the last century between Federals and Con- 
federates must not happen again on a larger scale 
between white Europe and middle Africa. Slavery 
in Africa, open or disguised, whether enforced by 
the lash or brought about by iniquitous land* 
stealing, strikes at the home and freedom of every 
European worker — and Labour knows this. 

But how are we to prevent the enslavement and 
economic exploitation of the blacks if we have no 
general watcher of African conditions ? We want 
a common law for Africa, a general Declaration of 
Rights, of certain elementary rights, and we want 
a common authority to which the black man and 
the native tribe may appeal for justice. What is 
the good of trying to elevate the population of 
Uganda and to give it a free and hopeful life if 
some other population close at hand is competing 
against the Baganda worker under lash and tax ? 
So here is a third aspect of our international 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 47 

Cominission, as a native protectorate and court of 
appeal ! 

There is still a fourth aspect of the African 
question in which every mother's son in Europe 
is closely interested, and that is the trade question. 
Africa is the great source of many of the most 
necessary raw materials upon which our modern 
comforts and conveniences depend ; more par- 
ticularly is it the source of cheap fat in the form 
of palm oil. One of the most powerful levers in 
the hands of the Allied democracies at the present 
time in their struggle against the imperial brigands 
of Potsdam is the complete control we have now 
obtained over these essential supplies. We can, 
if we choose, cut off Germany altogether from 
these vital economic necessities, if she does not 
consent to abandon miUtant imperialism for some 
more civilized form of government. We hope that 
this war will end in that renunciation, and that 
Germany will re-enter the community of nations. 
But whether that is so or not, whether Germany is 
or is not to be one of the interested parties in the 
African solution, the fact remains that it is impos- 
sible to contemplate a continuing struggle for the 
African raw material supply between the interested 
Powers. Sooner or later that means a renewal of 
war. International trade rivalry is, indeed, only 
war — smouldering. We need, and Labour demands, 



48 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

a fair, frank treatment of African trade, and that 
can only be done by some overriding regulative 
power, a Commission which, so far as I can see, 
might also be the same Commission as that we 
have already hypothesized as being necessary to 
control the Customs in order to prevent gun- 
running and the gin trade. That Commission 
might very conveniently have a voice in the ad- 
ministration of the great waterways of Africa 
(which often run through the possessions of several 
Powers) and in the regulation of the big railway 
lines and air routes that will speedily follow the 
conclusion of peace. 

Now this I take it is the gist of the Labour 
proposal. This — and no more than this — is what 
is intended by the " international control of 
tropical Africa." / do not read that phrase as 
abrogating eocisting sovereignties in Africa. What 
is contemplated is a delegation of authority. 
Every one should know, though unhappily the bad- 
ness of our history teaching makes it doubtful if 
every one does know, that the Federal Govern- 
ment of the United States of America did not begin 
as a sovereign Government, and has now only a 
very questionable sovereignty. Each State was 
sovereign, and each State delegated certain powers 
to Washington. That was the initial idea of the 
union. Only later did the idea of a people of the 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 49 

States as a whole emerge. In the same way I 
understand the Labour proposal as meaning that 
we should delegate to an African Commission the 
middle African Customs, the regulation of inter- 
State trade, inter-State railways and waterways, 
quarantine and health generally, and the estab- 
lishment of a Supreme Court for middle African 
affairs. One or two minor matters, such as the 
preservation of rare animals, might very well fall 
under the same authority. 

Upon that Commission the interested nations, 
that is to say — putting them in alphabetical order 
— the Africander, the Briton, the Belgian, the 
Egyptian, the Frenchman, the Itahan, the Indian 
the Portuguese — might all be represented in pro- 
portion to their interest. Whether the German 
would come in is really a question for the German 
to consider ; he can come in as a good European, 
he cannot come in as an imperialist brigand. 
Whether, too, any other nations can claim to have 
an interest in African affairs, whether the Com- 
mission would not be better appointed by a League 
of Free Nations than directly by the interested 
Governments, and a number of other such ques- 
tions, need not be considered here. Here we are 
discussing only the main idea of the Labour 
proposal. 

Now beneath the supervision and restraint of 

E 



50 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

such a delegated Commission I do not see why 
the existing administrations of tutelage Africa 
should not continue. I do not believe that the 
Labour proposal contemplates any humiliating 
cession of European sovereignty. Under that inter- 
national Commission the French flag may still 
wave in Senegal and the British over the pro- 
tected State of Uganda. Given a new spirit in 
Germany I do not see why the German flag should 
not presently be restored in German East Africa. 
But over all, standing for righteousness, patience, 
fair play for the black, and the common welfare 
of mankind would wave a new flag, the Sun of 
Africa representing the Central African Commission 
of the League of Free Nations. 

That is my vision of the Labour project. It is 
something very different, I know, from the night- 
mare of an international police of cosmopolitan 
scoundrels in nondescript uniforms, hastening to 
loot and ravish his dear Uganda and his beloved 
Nigeria, which distresses the crumpled pillow of 
Sir Harry Johnston. But if it is not the solution, 
then it is up to him and his fellow authorities to 
tell us what is the solution of* the African riddle. 



GETTING THE LEAGUE IDEA CLEAR IN RELATION 
TO IMPERIALISM 

It is idle to pretend that even at the present time 
the idea of the League of Free Nations has secure 
possession of the British mind. There is quite 
naturally a sustained opposition to it in all the 
fastnesses of aggressive imperialism. Such papers 
as the Times and the Morning Post remain hostile 
and obstructive to the expression of international 
ideas. Most of our elder statesmen seem to have 
learnt nothing and forgotten nothing during the 
years of wildest change the world has ever known. 
But in the general mind of the British peoples the 
movement of opinion from a narrow imjDerialism 
towards internationalism has been wide and swift. 
And it continues steadily. One can trace week 
by week and almost day by day the Americaniza- 
tion of the British conception of the Allied War 
Aims. It may be interesting to reproduce here 
three communications upon this question made at 

61 



52 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

different times by the present writer to the press. 
The circumstances of their pubHcation are signifi- 
cant. The first is in substance identical with a letter 
which was sent to the Times late in May, 1917, and 
rejected as being altogether too revolutionary. For 
nowadays the correspondence in the Times has 
ceased to be an impartial expression of public 
opinion. The correspondence of the Times is 
now apparently selected and edited in accordance 
with the views upon public policy held by the 
acting editor for the day. More and more has 
that paper become the organ of a sort of Oxford 
Imperialism, three or four years behind the times 
and very ripe and " expert." The letter is 
here given as it was finally printed in the issue 
of the Daily Chronicle for June 4th, 1917, under 
the heading, " Wanted a Statement of Imperial 
Policy." 

Sir, — The time seems to have come for much 
clearer statements of outlook and intention from this 
country than it has hitherto been possible to make. 
The entry of America into the war and the banish- 
ment of autocracy and aggressive diplomacy from 
Russia have enormously cleared the air, and the 
recent great speech of General Smuts at the Savoy 
Hotel is probably only the first of a series of 
experiments in statement. It is desirable alike 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 53 

to clear our own heads, to unify our efforts, and to 
give the nations of the world some assurance and 
standard for our national conduct in the future, 
that we should now define the Idea of our Empire 
and its relation to the world outlook much more 
clearly than has ever hitherto been done. Never 
before in the history of mankind has opinion 
counted for so much and persons and organizations 
for so little as in this war. Never before has the 
need for clear ideas, widely understood and con- 
sistently sustained, been so commandingly vital. 

What do we mean by our Empire, and what 
is its relation to that universal desire of mankind, 
the permanent rule of peace and justice in the 
world ? The whole world will be the better for 
a very plain answer to that question. 

Is it not time for us British not merely to admit 
to ourselves, but to assure the world that our 
Empire as it exists to-day is a provisional thing, 
that in scarcely any part of the world do we regard 
it as more than an emergency arrangement, as a 
necessary association that must give place ulti- 
mately to the higher synthesis of a world league, 
that here we hold as trustees and there on account 
of strategic considerations that may presently 
disappear, and that though we will not contemplate 
the replacement of our flag anywhere by the flag 
of any other competing nation, though we do hope 



54 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

to hold together with our kin and with those who 
increasingly share our tradition and our language, 
nevertheless we are prepared to welcome great 
renunciations of our present ascendency and 
privileges in the interests of mankind as a whole. 
We need to make the world understand that we 
do not put our nation nor our Empire before the 
commonwealth of man. Unless presently we are 
to follow Germany along the tragic path her 
national vanity and her world ambitions have 
made for her, that is what we have to make clear 
now. It is not only our duty to mankind, it is 
also the sane course for our own preservation. 

Is it not the plain lesson of this stupendous 
and disastrous war that there is no way to secure 
civilization from destruction except by an impartial 
control and protection in the interests of the 
whole human race, a control representfng the 
best intelligence of mankind, of these main causes 
of war. 

(1) The politically undeveloped tropics ; 

(2) Shipping and international trade ; and 

(3) Small nationalities and all regions in a 
state of political impotence or confusion ? 

It is our case against the Germans that in all 
these three cases they have subordinated every 
consideration of justice and the general human 
welfare to a monstrous national egotism*. That 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 55 

argument has a double edge. At present there is 
a vigorous campaign in America, Russia, the 
neutral countries generally, to represent British 
patriotism as equally egotistic, and our purpose 
in this war as a mere parallel to the German 
purpose. In the same manner, though perhaps 
with less persistency, France and Italy are also 
caricatured. We are supposed to be grabbing at 
Mesopotamia and Palestine, France at Syria ; 
Italy is represented as pursuing a Machiavellian 
policy towards the unfortunate Greek republicans, 
with her eyes on the Greek islands and Greece in 
Asia. Is it not time that these base imputations 
were repudiated clearly and conclusively by our 
Alliance ? And is it not time that we began to 
discuss in much more" frank and definite terms 
than has hitherto been done, the nature of the 
international arrangement that Mill be needed to 
secure the safety of such liberated populations as 
those of Palestine, of the Arab regions of the old 
Turkish empire, of Armenia, of reunited Poland, 
and the like ? 

I do not mean here mere diplomatic discussions 
and " understandings," I mean such full and 
plain statements as will be spread through the 
whole world and grasped and assimilated by ordi- 
nary people everywhere, statements by which we, 
as a people, will be prepared to stand or fall. 



56 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

Almost as urgent is the need for some definite 
statement about Africa. General Smuts has 
warned not only the Empire, but the whole 
world of the gigantic threat to civilization that 
lies in the present division of Africa between 
various keenly competitive European Powers, 
any one of which will be free to misuse the great 
natural resources at its disposal and to arm millions 
of black soldiers for aggression. A mere elimination 
of Germany from Africa will not solve that diffi- 
culty. What we have to eliminate is not this 
nation or that, but the system of national shoving 
and elbowing, the treatment of Africa as the 
board for a game of beggar-my-neighbour-and 
damn-the-niggers, in which a few syndicates, 
masquerading as national interests, snatch a profit 
to the infinite loss of all mankind. We want a 
lowering of barriers and a unification of interests, 
we want an international control of these disputed 
regions, to override nationalist exploitation. The 
whole world wants it. It is a chastened and 
reasonable world we live in to-day, and the time 
for white reason and the wide treatment of these 
problems is now. 

Finally, the time is drawing near when the 
Egyptian and the nations of India will ask us, 
*' Are things going on for ever here as they go on 
now, or are we to look for the time when we, too, 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 57 

like the Africander, the Canadian and the Aus- 
traHan, will be your confessed and equal partners? " 
Would it not be wise to answer that question in 
the affirmative before the voice in which it is 
asked grows thick with anger ? In Egypt, for 
example, we are either robbers very like — except 
for a certain difference in touch — the Germans in 
Belgium, or we are honourable trustees. It is 
our claim and pride to be honourable trustees. 
Nothing so becomes a trustee as a cheerful open- 
ness of disposition. Great Britain has to table 
her world policy. It is a thing overdue. No 
doubt we have already a literature of liberal 
imperialism and a considerable accumulation of 
declarations by this statesman or that. But 
what is needed is a formulation much more repre- 
sentative, official and permanent than that, 
something that can be put beside President Wilson's 
clear rendering of the American idea. We want 
all our peoples to understand, and we want all 
mankind to understand that our Empire is not 
a net about the world in which the progress of 
mankind is entangled, but a self-conscious political 
system working side by side with the other de- 
mocracies of the earth, preparing the way for, and 
prepared at last to sacrifice and merge itself in, 
the world confederation of free and equal peoples. 



5S THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

§2 

This letter was presently followed up by an 
article in the Daily News, entitled " A Reasonable 
Man's Peace." This article provoked a considerable 
controversy in the imperialist press, and it was 
reprinted as a pamphlet by a Free Trade organiza- 
tion, which distributed over 200,000 copies. It is 
particularly interesting to note, in view of what 
follows it, that it was attacked with great virulence 
in the Evening News, the little fierce mud-throwing 
brother of the Daily Mail. 

The international situation at the present time 
is beyond question the most wonderful that the 
world has ever seen. There is not a country in 
the world in which the great majority of sensible 
people are not passionately desirous of peace, of 
an enduring peace, and — the war goes on. The 
conditions of peace can now be stated in general 
terms that are as acceptable to a reasonable man 
in Berlin as they are to a reasonable man in Paris 
or London or Petrograd or Constantinople. There 
are to be no conquests, no domination of recal- 
citrant populations, no bitter insistence upon 
vindictive penalties, and there must be something 
in the nature of a world-wide League of Nations 
to keep the peace securely in future, to *' make the 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 59 

world safe for democracy," and maintain inter- 
national justice. To that the general mind of 
the world has come to-day. 

Why, then, does the waste and killing go on ? 
Why is not the Peace Conference sitting now ? 

Manifestly because a small minority of people 
in positions of peculiar advantage, in positions of 
trust and authority, and particularly the German 
reactionaries, prevent or delay its assembling. 

The answer which seems to suffice in all the 
Allied countries is that the German Imperial 
Government — that the German Imperial Govern- 
ment alone — stands in the way, that its tradition 
is incurably a tradition of conquest and aggression, 
that until German militarism is overthrown, etc. 
Few people in the Alhed countries will dispute 
that that is broadly true. But is it the whole 
and complete truth ? Is there nothing more to 
be done on our side ? Let us put a question that 
goes to the very heart of the problem. Why does 
the great mass of the German people still cling to 
its incurably belligerent Government ? 

The answer to that question is not over- 
whelmingly difficult. The German people sticks 
to its militarist imperialism as Mazeppa stuck to 
liis horse ; because it is bound to it, and the wolves 
pursue. The attentive student of the home and 
foreign propaganda literature of the German 



60 THE LEAGUE OE FREE NATIONS 

Government will realize that the case made by 
German imperialism, the main argument by which 
it sticks to power, is this, that the Allied Govern- 
ments are also imperialist, that they also aim at 
conquest and aggression, that for Germany the 
choice is world empire or downfall and utter ruin. 
This is the argument that holds the German people 
stiffly united. For most men in most countries it 
would be a convincing argument, strong enough 
to override considerations of right and wrong. I 
find that I myself am of this way of thinking, that 
whether England has done right or wrong in the 
past — and I have sometimes criticized my country 
very bitterly — I will not endure the prospect of 
seeing her at the foot of some victorious foreign 
nation. Neither will any German who matters. 
Very few people would respect a German who did. 
But the case for the Allies is that this great 
argument by which, and by which alone, the 
German Imperial Government keeps its grip upon 
the German people at the present time, and keeps 
them facing their enemies, is untrue. The Allies 
declare that they do not want to destroy the German 
people, they do not want to cripple the German 
people ; they want merely to see certain gaping 
wounds inflicted by Germany repaired, and beyond 
that reasonable requirement they want nothing 
but to be assured, completely assured, absolutely 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 61 

assured, against any further aggressions on the 
part of Germany. 

Is that true ? Our leaders say so, and we 
beHeve them. We would not support them if we 
did not. And if it is true, have the statesmen of 
the Allies made it as transparently and convincingly 
clear to the German people as possible ? That is 
one of the supreme questions of the present time. 
We cannot too earnestly examine it. Because in 
the answer to it lies the reason why so many men 
were killed yesterday on the eastern and western 
front, so many ships sunk, so much property 
destroyed, so much human energy wasted for ever 
upon mere destruction, and why to-morrow and the 
next day and the day after — through many months 
yet, perhaps — the same killing and destroying must 
still go on. 

In many respects this war has been an amazing 
display of human inadaptability. The military 
history of the war has still to be written, the grim 
story of machinery misunderstood, improvements 
resisted, antiquated methods persisted in ; but the 
broad facts are already before the public mind. 
After three years of war the air offensive, the only 
possible decisive blow, is still merely talked of. 
Not once nor twice only have the Western Allies 
had victory within their grasp — and failed to grip 
it. The British cavalry generals wasted the great 



62 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

invention of the tanks as a careless child breaks a 
toy. At least equally remarkable is the dragging in- 
adaptability of European statecraft. Everywhere 
the failure of ministers and statesmen to rise to the 
urgent definite necessities of the present time is 
glaringly conspicuous. They seem to be incapable 
even of thinking how the war may be brought to 
an end. They seem incapable of that plain speaking 
to the world audience which alone can bring about 
a peace. They keep on with the tricks and feints 
of a departed age. Both on the side of the Allies 
and on the side of the Germans the declarations 
of public policy remain childishly vague and dis- 
ingenuous, childishly " diplomatic." They chaffer 
like happy imbeciles while civilization bleeds to 
death. It was perhaps to be expected. Few, if 
any, men of over five-and-forty completely readjust 
themselves to changed conditions, however novel 
and challenging the changes may be, and nearly 
all the leading figures in these affairs are elderly 
men trained in a tradition of diplomatic ineffective- 
ness, and now overworked and overstrained to a 
pitch of complete inelasticity. They go on as if 
it were still 1913. Could anything be more palpably 
shifty and unsatisfactory, more senile, more feebly 
artful, than the recent utterances of the German 
Chancellor ? And, on our own side — 

Let us examine the three leading points about 



THE LEAGUE OF BREE NATIONS 63 

this peace business in which this jaded statecraft 
is most apparent. 

Let the reader ask himself the following ques- 
tions : — 

Does he know what the Allies mean to do with 
the problem of Central Africa ? It is the clear 
common sense of the African situation that while 
these precious regions of raw material remain 
divided up between a number of competitive 
European imperialisms, each resolutely set upon 
the exploitation of its " possessions " to its own 
advantage and the disadvantage of the others, 
there can be no permanent peace in the world. 
There can be permanent peace in the world only 
when tropical and sub-tropical Africa constitute 
a field free to the commercial enterprise of every 
one irrespective of nationality, when this is no 
longer an area of competition between nations. 
This is possible only under some supreme inter- 
national control. It requires no special know- 
ledge nor wisdom to see that. A schoolboy can 
see it. Any one but a statesman absolutely 
flaccid with overstrain can see that. However 
difficult it may prove to work out in detail, such 
an international control must therefore be worked 
out. The manifest solution of the problem of the 
German colonies in Africa is neither to return 
them to her nor deprive her of them, but to give 



64 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

her a share in the pooled general control of mid- 
Africa. In that way she can be deprived of all 
power for political mischief in Africa without 
humiliation or economic injury. In that way, too, 
we can head off — and in no other way can we 
head off — the power for evil, the power of develop- 
ing quarrels inherent in " imperialisms " other 
than German. 

But has the reader any assurance that this sane 
solution of the African problem has the support 
of the Allied Governments ? At best he has only 
a vague persuasion. And consider how the matter 
looks " over there." The German Government 
assures the German people that the Allies intend 
to cut off Germany from the African supply of raw 
material. That would mean the practical destruc- 
tion of German economic life. It is something far 
more vital to the mass of Germans than any question 
of Belgium or Alsace-Lorraine. It is, therefore, 
*bne of the ideas most potent in nerving the over- 
strained German people to continue their fight. 
Why are we, and why are the German people, not 
given some definite assurance in this matter ? 
Given reparation in Em-ope, is Germany to be 
allowed a fair share in the control and trade of a 
pooled and neutralized Central Africa? Sooner 
or later we must come to some such arrangement. 
Why not state it plainly now ? 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 65 

A second question is equally essential to any 
really permanent settlement, and it is one upon 
which these eloquent but unsatisfactory mouth- 
pieces of ours turn their backs with an equal reso- 
lution, and that is the fate of the Ottoman Empire. 
What in plain English are we up to there ? What- 
ever happens, that Humpty Dumpty cannot be 
put back as it was before the war. The idea of the 
German imperialist, the idea of our own little band 
of noisy but influential imperialist vulgarians, is 
evidently a game of grab, a perilous cutting up of 
these areas into jostling protectorates and spheres 
of influence, from which either the Germans or the 
Allies (according to the side you are on) are to be 
viciously shut out. On such a basis this war is a 
war to the death. Neither Germany, France, 
Britain, Italy, nor Russia can live prosperously 
if its trade and enterprise is shut out from this 
cardinally important area. There is, therefore, 
no alternative, if we are to have a satisfactory 
permanent pacification of the world, but local 
self-development in these regions under honestly 
conceived international control of police and 
transit and trade. Let it be granted that that 
will be a difficult control to organize. None the 
less it has to be attempted. It has to be attempted 
because there is no other way of peace. But once 
that conception has been clearly formulated, a 



66 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

second great motive why Germany should continue 
fighting will have gone. 

The third great issue about which there is 
nothing but fog and uncertainty is the so-called 
" War After the War," the idea of a permanent 
economic alliance to prevent the economic recupe- 
ration of Germany. Upon that idea German impe- 
rialism, in its frantic effort to keep its tormented 
people fighting, naturally puts the utmost stress. 
The threat of War after the War robs the reasonable 
German of his last inducement to turn on his 
Government and insist upon peace. Shut out from 
all trade, unable to buy food, deprived of raw 
material, peace would be as bad for Germany as 
war. He will argue naturally enough and reason- 
ably enough that he may as well die fighting as 
starve. This is a far more vital issue to him than 
the Belgian issue or Poland or Alsace-Lorraine. 
Our statesmen waste their breath and slight our 
intelligence when these foreground questions are 
thrust in front of the really fundamental matters. 
But as the mass of sensible people in every country 
concerned, in Germany just as much as in France 
or Great Britain, know perfectly well, unimpeded 
trade is good for every one except a few rich ad- 
venturers, and restricted trade destroys limitless 
wealth and welfare for mankind to make a few 
private forliines or secure an advantage for some 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 67 

imperialist clique. We want an end to this economic 
strategy, we want an end to this plotting of Govern- 
mental cliques against the general welfare. In 
such offences Germany has been the chief of sinners, 
but which among the belligerent nations can throw 
the first stone ? Here again the way to the world's 
peace, the only way to enduring peace, lies through 
internationalism, through an international survey 
of commercial treaties, through an international 
control of inter-Statc shipping and transport rates. 
Unless the Allied statesmen fail to understand the 
implications of their own general professions they 
mean that. But why do they not say it plainly ? 
Why do they not shout it so compactly and loudly 
that all Germany will hear and understand ? Why 
do they justify imperialism to Germany ? Why do 
they maintain a threatening ambiguity towards 
Germany on all these matters ? 

By doing so they leave Germany no choice but 
a war of desperation. They underline and endorse 
the claim of German imperialism that this is a war 
for bare existence. They unify the German people. 
They prolong the war. 

§3 

Some weeks later I was able, at the invitation 
of the editor, to carry the controversy against im- 
perialism into the Daily Mail, which has hitherto 



68 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

counted as a strictly imperialist paper. The 
article that follows was published in the Daily 
Mail under the heading, " Are we Sticking to the 
Point ? A Discussion of War Aims." 

Has this War-Aims controversy really got down 
to essentials ? Is the purpose of this world conflict 
from first to last too complicated for brevity, or 
can we boil it down into a statement compact 
enough for a newspaper article ? 

And if we can, why is there all this voluminous, 
uneasy, unquenchable disputation about War 
Aims ? 

As to the first question, I would say that the 
gist of the dispute between the Central Powers and 
the world can be written easily without undue 
cramping in an ordinary handwTiting upon a post- 
card. It is the second question that needs answer- 
ing. And the reason why the second question has 
to be asked and answered is this, that several of the 
Allies, and particularly we British, are not being 
perfectly plain and simple-minded in our answer 
to the first, that there is a division among us and 
in our minds, and that our division is making us 
ambiguous in our behaviour, that it is weakening 
and dividing our action and strengthening and con- 
solidating the enemy, and that unless we can drag 
this slurred-over division of aim and spirit into 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 69 

the light of day and settle it now, we are likely to 
remain double-minded to the end of the war, to split 
our strength while the war continues and to come 
out of the settlement at the end with nothing nearly 
worth the strain and sacrifice it has cost us. 

And first, let us deal with that postcard and 
say what is the essential aim of the war, the aim 
to which all other aims are subsidiary. It is, we 
have heard repeated again and again by every 
statesman of importance in every Allied country, 
to defeat and destroy military imperialism, to make 
the world safe for ever against any such deliberate 
aggression as Germany prepared for forty years 
and brought to a climax when she crossed the 
Belgian frontier in 1914. We want to make any- 
thing of that kind on the part of Germany or of 
any other Power henceforth impossible in this world. 
That is our great aim. Whatever other objects 
may be sought in this war no responsible statesman 
dare claim them as anything but subsidiary to that ; 
one can say, in fact, this is our sole aim, our other 
aims being but parts of it. Better that millions 
should die now, we declare, than that hundreds of 
millions still unborn should go on living, generation 
after generation, under the black tyranny of this 
imperialist threat. 

There is our common agreement. So far, at 
any rate, we are united. The question I would 



70 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

put to the reader is this : Are we all logically, sin- 
cerely, and fully carrying out the plain implications 
of this War Aim ? Or are we to any extent mud- 
dling about with it in such a way as to confuse and 
disorganize our Allies, weaken our internal will, and 
strengthen the enemy ? 

Now the plain meaning of this supreme declared 
War Aim is that we are asking Germany to alter 
her ways. We are asking Germany to become a 
different Germany. Either Germany has to be 
utterly smashed up and destroyed or else Germany 
has to cease to be an aggressive military imperial- 
ism.^ The former alternative is dismissed by most 
responsible statesmen. They declare that they do 
not wish to destroy the German people or the Ger- 
man nationality or the civilized life of Germany. 
I will not enlarge here upon the tedium and diffi- 
culties such an undertaking would present. I will 
dismiss it as being not only impossible, but also as 
an insanely wicked project. The second alterna- 
tive, therefore, remains as our War Aim. I do not 
see how the sloppiest reasoner can evade that. A^ 
we do not want to kill Germany we must want to 
change Germany. If we do not want to wipe 
Germany off the face of the earth, then we want 
Germany to become the prospective and trust- 
worthy friend of her fellow nations. And if words 
have any meaning at all, that is saying that we 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 71 

are fighting to bring about a Revolution in 
Germany. We want Germany to become a demo- 
cratically controlled State, such as is the United 
States to-day, with open methods and pacific 
intentions, instead of remaining a clenched fist. If 
we can bring that about we have achieved our 
War Aim ; if we cannot, then this struggle has 
been for us only such loss and failure as humanity 
has never kno^vn before. 

But do we, as a nation, stick closely to this clear 
and necessary, this only possible, meaning of our 
declared War Aim ? That great, clear-minded 
leader among the Allies, that Englishman who more ' 
than any other single man speaks for the whole 
English-speaking and Western-thinking community, 
President Wilson, has said definitely that this is his 
meaning. America, with him as her spokesman, is 
under no delusion ; she is fighting consciously for a 
German Revolution as the essential War Aim. We 
in Europe do not seem to be so lucid. I think 
myself we have been, and are still, fatally and disas- 
trously not lucid. It is high time, and over, that 
we cleared our minds and got down to the essentials 
of the war. We have muddled about in blood and 
dirt and secondary issues long enough. 

We in Britain are not clear-minded, I would 
point out, because we are double-minded. No 
good end is served by trying to ignore in the fancied 



VI THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

interests of " unity " a division of spirit and inten- 
tion that trips us up at every step. We are, we 
declare, fighting for a complete change in inter- 
national methods, and we are bound to stick to the 
logical consequences of that. We have placed 
ourselves on the side of democratic revolution 
against autocratic monarchy, and we cannot afford 
to go on shilly-shallying with that choice. We can- 
not in these days of black or white play the part of 
lukewarm friends to freedom. I will not remind 
the reader here of the horrible vacillations and in- 
consistencies of policy in Greece that have prolonged 
the war and cost us wealth and lives beyond measure, 
but President Wilson himself has reminded us pun- 
gently enough and sufficiently enough of the follies 
and disingenuousness of our early treatment of the 
Russian Revolution. What I want to point out 
here is the supreme importance of a clear lead in 
this matter now in order that we should state our 
War Aims effectively. 

In every war there must be two sets of War 
Aims kept in mind ; we ought to know what we 
mean to do in the event of victory so complete that 
we can dictate what terms we choose, and we ought 
to know what, in the event of a not altogether con- 
clusive tussle, are the minimum terms that we 
should consider justified us in a discontinuance of 
the tussle. Now, unless our leading statesmen are 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 73 

humbugs and unless we are prepared to quarrel 
with America in the interests of the monarchist 
iastitutions of Europe, we should, in the event of 
an overwhelming victory, destroy both the Hohen- 
zoUernand Hapsburg Imperialisms, and that means, 
if it means anything at all and is not mere lying 
rhetoric, that we should insist upon Germany be- 
coming free and democratic, that is to say, in effect 
if not in form republican, and upon a series 
of national republics, Polish, Hungarian, Serbo- 
Croatian, Bulgarian, and the like, in Eastern 
Europe, grouped together if possible into congenial 
groups — crowned republics it might be in some 
cases, in the case of the Serb for example, but in 
no case too much crowned — that we should join 
with this renascent Germany and with these thus 
liberalized Powers and with our Allies and with 
the neutrals in one great League of Free Nations, 
trading freely with one another, guaranteeing each 
other freedom, and maintaining a world-wide 
peace and disarmament and a new reign of law 
for mankind. 

If that is not what we are out for, then I do not 
understand what we are out for ; there is dishonesty 
and trickery and diplomacy and foolery in the 
struggle, and I am no longer whole-hearted for such 
a half-hearted war. If after a complete victory we 
are to bolster up the Hohenzollerns, Hapsburgs, 



74 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

and their relations, set up a constellation of more 
cheating little subordinate kings, and reinstate that 
system of diplomacies and secret treaties and secret 
understandings, that endless drama of international 
threatening and plotting, that never-ending arming, 
that has led us after a hundred years of waste and 
muddle to the supreme tragedy of this war, then the 
world is not good enough for me and I shall be glad 
to close my eyes upon it. I am not alone in these 
sentiments. I believe that in writing thus I am 
writing the opinion of the great mass of reasonable 
British, French, Italian, Russian, and .American 
men. I believe, too, that this is the desu*e also of 
great numbers of Germans, and that they would, if 
they could believe us, gladly set aside their present 
rulers to achieve this plain common good for man- 
kind. 

But, the reader will say, what evidence is there 
of any republican feeling in Germany ? That is 
always the objection made to any reasonable dis- 
cussion of the war — and as most of us are denied 
access to German papers, it is difficult to produce 
quotations ; and even when one does, there are 
plenty of fools to suggest and believe that the entire 
German Press is an elaborate camouflage. Yet in 
the German Press there is far more criticism of mili- 
tant imperialism than those who have no access to 
it can imagine. There is far franker criticism of 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 75 

militarism in Germany than there is of reactionary 
Toryism in this country, and it is more free to speak 
its mind. 

That, however, is a question by the way. It is 
not the main thing that I have to say here. What 
I have to say here is that in Great Britain — I will 
not discuss the affairs of any of our Allies — there 
are groups and classes of people, not numerous, not 
representative, but placed in high and influential 
positions and capable of free and public utterance, 
who are secretly and bitterly hostile to this great 
War Aim, which inspires all the Allied peoples. 
These people are permitted to deny — our peculiar 
censorship does not hamper them — loudly and 
publicly that we are fighting for democracy and 
world freedom ; " Tosh," they say to our dead in 
the trenches, " you died for a mistake " ; they jeer 
at this idea of a League of Nations making an end 
to war, an idea that has inspired countless brave 
lads to face death and such pains and hardships 
as outdo even death itself ; they perplex and irri- 
tate our Allies by propounding schemes for some 
precious economic league of the British Empire — 
that is to treat all " foreigners " with a common 
base selfishness and stupid hatred — and they 
intrigue with the most reactionary forces in Russia. 

These British reactionaries openly, and with, 
perfect impunity, represent our war as a thing as 



76 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

mean and shameful as Germany's attack on Bel- 
gium, and they do it because generosity and justice 
in the world is as terrible to them as dawn is to the 
creatures of the night. Our Tories blundered into 
this great war, not seeing whither it would take 
them. In particular it is manifest now by a hun- 
dred signs that they dread the fall of monarchy in 
Germany and Austria. Far rather would they 
make the most abject surrenders to the Kaiser than 
deal with a renascent Republican Germany. The 
recent letter of Lord Lansdowne, urging a peace 
with German imperialism, was but a feeler from 
the pacifist side of this most un-English, and un- 
happily most influential, section of our public life. 
Lord Lansdowne's letter was the letter of a Peer 
who fears revolution more than national dishonour. 
But it is the truculent wing of this same anti- 
democratic movement that is far more active. 
While our sons suffer and die for their comforts 
and conceit, these people scheme to prevent any 
communication between the Republican and Social- 
ist classes in Germany and the Allied population. 
At any cost this class of pampered and privileged 
traitors intend to have peace while the Kaiser is 
still on his throne. If not they face a new world 
— in which their part will be small indeed. And 
with the utmost ingenuity they maintain a danger- 
ous vagueness about the Allied peace terms, with 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 77 

the sole object of preventing a revolutionary move- 
ment in Germany. 

Let me put it to the reader exactly why our 
failure to say plainly and exactly and conclusively 
what we mean to do about a score of points, and 
particularly about German economic life after the 
war, paralyses the penitents and friends and helpers 
that we could now find in Germany. Let me ask 
the reader to suppose himself a German in Germany 
at the present time. Of course if he was, he is sure 
that he would hate the Kaiser as the source of this 
atrocious war, he would be bitterly ashamed of the 
Belgian iniquity, of the submarine murders, and a 
score of such stains upon his national honour ; and 
he would want to alter his national system and 
make peace. Hundreds of thousands of Germans 
are in that mood now. But as most of us have 
had to learn, a man may be bitterly ashamed of 
this or that incident in his country's history — what 
Englishman, for instance, can be proud of Glencoe ? 
— he may disbelieve in half its institutions and still 
love his country far too much to suffer the thought 
of its destruction. I prefer to see my country 
right, but if it comes to the pinch and my country 
sins I will fight to save her from the destruction her 
sins may have brought upon her. That is the 
natural way of a man. 

But suppose a German wished to try to start a 



78 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

revolutionary movement in Germany at the present 
time, have we given him any reason at all for sup- 
posing that a Germany liberated and democratized, 
but, of course, divided and weakened as she would 
be bound to be in the process, would get better 
terms from the Allies than a Germany still facing 
them, militant, imperialist, and wicked ? He would 
have no reason for believing anything of the sort. 
If we Allies arc honest, then if a revolution started 
in Germany to-day we should if anything lower the 
price of peace to Germany. But these people who 
pretend to lead us will state nothing of the sort. 
For them a revolution in Germany would be the 
signal for putting up the price of peace. At any 
risk they are resolved that that German revolution 
shall not happen. Your sane, good German, let 
me assert, is up against that as hard as if he was a 
wicked one. And so, poor devil, he has to put his 
revolutionary ideas away, they are hopeless ideas 
for him because of the power of the British reac- 
tionary, they are hopeless because of the line we 
as a nation take in this matter, and he has to go on 
fighting for his masters. 

A plain statement of our war aims that did no 
more than set out honestly and convincingly the 
terms the Allies would make with a democratic 
republican Germany — republiqan I say, because 
where a scrap of Hohenzollern is left to-day there 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 79 

will be a fresh militarism to-morrow — would abso- 
lutely revolutionize the internal psychology of 
Germany. We should no longer face a solid people. 
We should have replaced the false issue of Germany 
and Britain fighting for the hegemony of Europe, 
the lie upon which the German Government has 
always traded, and in which our extreme Tory 
Press has always supported the German Govern- 
ment, by the true issue, which is freedom versus 
imperialism, the League of Nations versus that 
net of diplomatic roguery and of aristocratic, pluto- 
cratic, and autocratic greed a;id conceit which 
dragged us all into this vast welter of bloodshed 
and loss. 



VI 

THE WAR AIMS OF THE WESTERN ALLIES 

Here, quite compactly, is the plain statement of 
the essential cause and process of the war to which 
I would like to see the Allied Foreign Offices sub- 
scribe, and which I would like to have placed plainly 
before the German mind. It embodies much that 
has been learnt and thought out since this war 
began, and I think it is much truer and more funda- 
mental than that mere raging against German 
" militarism," upon which our politicians and press 
still so largely subsist. 

The enormous development of war methods 
and war material within the last fifty years has 
made war so horrible and destructive that it is 
impossible to contemplate a future for mankind 
from which it has not been eliminated ; tlje in- 
creased facilities of railway, steamship, automobile 
travel and air navigation have brought mankind 
so close together that ordinary human life is no 
longer safe anywhere in the boundaries of the little 
states in which it was once secure. In some fashion 



THE LKAGUK OF FIIKE NATIONS 81 

it is now necessary to achieve sufficient human 
unity to establish a world peace and save the future 
of mankind. 

In one or other of two ways only is that unifica- 
tion possible. Either men may set up a common 
league to keep the peace of the earth, or one state 
must ultimately become so great and powerful as 
to repeat for all the world what Rome did for 
Europe two thousand years ago. Either we must 
have human unity by a league of existing states or 
by an Imperial Conquest. The former is now the 
declared Aim of our country and its Allies ; the 
latter is manifestly the ambition of the present 
rulers of Germany. Whatever the complications 
may have been in the earlier stages of the war, due 
to treaties that are now dead letters and agree- 
ments that are extinct, the essential issue now 
before every man in the world is this : Is the unity 
of mankind to be the unity of a common freedom, 
in which every race and nationality may participate 
with complete self-respect, playing its part, accord- 
ing to its character, in one great world community, 
or is it to be reached — and it can only be so reached 
through many generations of bloodshed and struggle 
still, even if it can be ever reached in this way at all 
— through conquest and a German hegemony ? 

While the rulers of Germany to-day are more 
openly aggressive and imperialist than they were 



82 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

in August, 1914, the Allies arrayed against them 
have made great progress in clearing up and real- 
izing the instincts and ideals which brought them 
originally into the struggle. The German govern- 
ment offers the world to-day a warring future in 
which Germany alone is to be secure and powerful 
and proud. Mankind will not endure that. The 
Allies offer the world more and more definitely the 
scheme of an organized League of Free Nations, 
a rule of law and justice about the earth. To fight 
for that and for no other conceivable end, the 
United States of America, with the full sympathy 
and co-operation of every state in the western 
hemisphere, has entered the war. The British 
Empire, in the midst of the stress of the great war, 
has set up in Dublin a Convention of Irishmen of 
all opinions with the fullest powers of deciding 
upon the future of their country. If Ireland were 
not divided against herself she could be free and 
equal with England to-morrow. It is the open 
intention of Great Britain to develop representative 
government, where it has not hitherto existed, in 
India and Egypt, to go on steadfastly increasing 
the share of the natives of these countries in the 
government of their own lands, until they too 
become free and equal members of the world league. 
Neither France nor Italy nor Britain nor America 
has ever tampered with the shipping of other 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 88 

countries except in time of war, and the trade of 
the British Empire has been impartially open to 
all the world. The extra-national " possessions," 
the so-called " subject nations " in the Empires of 
Britain, France, Italy, and Japan, are, in fact, 
possessions held in trust against the day when 
the League of Free Nations will inherit for man- 
kind. 

Is it to be union by conquest or is it to be union 
by league ? For any sort of man except the 
German the question is, Will you be a free citizen 
or will you be an underling to the German im- 
perialism ? For the German now the question is 
a far graver and more tragic one. For him it is 
this : " You belong to a people not now increas- 
ing very rapidly, a numerous people, but not so 
numerous as some of the great peoples of the world, 
a people very highly trained, very well drilled and 
well armed, perhaps as well trained and drilled 
and equipped as ever it will be. The collapse 
ot Russian imperialism has made you safe if 
aow you can get peace, and you can get a peace 
now that will neither destroy you nor humiliate 
y^ou nor open up the prospect of fresh wars. The 
Allies offer you such a peace. To accept it, we 
must warn you plainly, means refusing to go on 
with the manifest intentions of your present 
rulers, which are to launch you and your children 



84 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

and your children's children upon a career of 
struggle for war predominance, which may no 
doubt inflict untold deprivations and miseries 
upon the rest of mankind, but whose end in the 
long run, for Germany and things German, can 
be only Judgment and Death." 

In such terms as these the Oceanic Allies could 
now state their war-will and carry the world 
straightway into a new phase of human history. 
They could but they do not. For alas ! not one of 
them is free from the entanglements of past things ; 
when we look for the wisdom of statesmen we find 
the cunning of politicians; when open speech 
and plain reason might save the world, courts, 
bureaucrats, financiers and profiteers conspire. 



VII 

THE FUTURE OF MONARCHY 

From the very outset of this war it was manifest 
to the clear-headed observer that only the complete 
victory of German imperialism could save the 
dynastic system in Europe from the fate that it 
had challenged. That curious system had been 
the natural and unplanned development of the 
political complications of the seventeenth and 
eighteenth centuries. Two systems of monarchies, 
the Bourbon system and the German, then ruled 
Europe between them. With the latter was asso- 
ciated the tradition of the European unity under 
the Roman empire ; all the Germanic monarchs 
had an itch to be called Caesar. The Kaiser of the 
Austro-Hungarian empire and the Czar had, so to 
speak, the prior claim to the title. The Prussian 
king set up as a Caesar in 1871 ; Queen Victoria 
became the Caesar of India (Kaisir-i-Hind) under 
the auspices of Lord Beaconsfield, and last and 
least, that most detestable of all Coburgers, Ferdi- 
nand of Bulgaria, gave Kaiserism a touch of quaint 

8S 



86 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

absurdity by setting up as Czar of Bulgaria. The 
weakening of the Bourbon system by the French 
revolution and the Napoleonic adventure cleared 
the way for the complete ascendancy of the Ger- 
manic monarchies in spite of the breaking away of 
the United States from that system. 

After 1871, a constellation of quasi-divine Teu- 
tonic monarchs, of which the German Emperor, 
the German Queen Victoria, the German Czar, 
were the greatest stars, formed a caste apart, inter- 
married only among themselves, dominated the 
world and was regarded with a mystical awe by 
the ignorant and foolish in most European coun- 
tries. The marriages, the funerals, the corona- 
tions, the obstetrics of this amazing breed of idols 
were matters of almost universal worship. The 
Czar and Queen Victoria professed also to be the 
heads of religion upon earth. The court-centered 
diplomacies of the more firmly rooted monarchies 
steered all the great liberating movements of the 
nineteenth century into monarchical channels. Italy 
was made a monarchy ; Greece, the motherland 
of republics, was handed over to a needy scion of 
the Danish royal family ; the sturdy peasants of 
Bulgaria suffered from a kindred imposition. Even 
Norway was saddled with as much of a king as it 
would stand, as a condition of its independence. 
At the dawn of the twentieth century republican 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 87 

freedom seemed a remote dream beyond the con- 
fines of Switzerland and France — and it had no 
very secure air in France. Reactionary scheming 
has been an intermittent fever in the French 
repubHc for six and forty years. The French 
foreign office is still undemocratic in tradition 
and temper. But for the restless disloyalty of the 
HohenzoUerns this German kingly caste might be 
dominating the world to this day. 

Of course the stability of this Teutonic dynastic 
system in Europe — which will presently sccia to 
the student of history so curious a halting-place 
upon the way to human unity — rested very largely 
upon the maintenance of peace. It was the failure 
to understand this on the part of the German and 
Bulgarian rulers in particular that has now brought 
all monarchy to the question. The implicit theory 
that supported the intermarrying German royal 
families in Europe was that their inter-relationship 
and their aloofness from their subjects was a miti- 
gation of national and racial animosities. In the 
days when Queen Victoria was the grandmother 
of Europe this was a plausible argument. King, 
Czar and Emperor, or Emperor and Emperor 
would meet, and it was understood that these 
meetings were the lubrication of European affairs . 
The monarchs married largely, conspicuously, and 
very expensively for our good. Royal funerals, 



8S THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

marriages, christenings, coronations, and jubilees in- 
terrupted traffic and stimulated trade everywhere. 
They seemed to give a raison d'etre for mankind. 
It is the Emperor William and the Czar Ferdinand 
who have betrayed not only humanity but their 
own strange caste by shattering all these pleasant 
illusions. The wisdom of Kant is justified, and wc 
know now that kings cause wars. It needed the 
shock of the great war to bring home the wisdom 
of that old Scotchman of Konigsberg to the mind 
of the ordinary man. Moreover in support of the 
dynastic system was the fact that it did exist as 
the system in possession, and all prosperous and 
intelligent people are chary of disturbing existing 
things. Life is full of vestigial structures, and it 
is a long way to logical perfection. Let us keep 
on, they would argue, with what we have. And 
another idea which, rightly or wrongly, made 
men patient with the emperors and kings was an 
exaggerated idea of the insecurity of republican 
institutions. 

You can still hear very old dull men say gravely 
that " kings are better than pronunciamentos " ; 
there was an article upon Greece to this effect quite 
recently in that uncertain paper The New Statesman. 
Then a kind of illustrative gesture would be made 
to the South American republics, although the 
internal disturbances of the South American 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 89 

republics have diminished to very small dimensions 
in the last three decades and although pronuncia- 
mentos rarely disturb the traffic in Switzerland, the 
United States, or France. But there can be no 
doubt that the influence of the Germanic monarchy 
up to the death of Queen Victoria upon British 
thought was in the direction of estrangement from 
the two great modern republics and in the direc- 
tion of assistance and propitiation to Germany. 
We surrendered Heligoland, we made great con- 
cessions to German colonial ambitions, we allowed 
ourselves to be jockeyed into a phase of dangerous 
hostility to France. A practice of sneering at 
things American has died only very recently out 
of English journalism and literature, as any one 
who cares to consult the bound magazines of the 
'seventies and 'eighties may soon see for himself. 
It is well too in these days not to forget Colonel 
Marchand, if only to remember that such a clash 
must never recur. But in justice to our monarchy 
we must remember that after the death of Queen 
Victoria, the spirit, if not the forms, of British 
kingship was greatly modified by the exceptional 
character and ability of Bang Edward VII. He 
was curiously anti-German in spirit ; he had essen- 
tially democratic instincts ; in a few precious years 
he restored good will between France and Great 
Britain. It is no slight upon his successor to 



90 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

doubt whether any one could have handled the 
present opportunities and risks of monarchy in 
Great Britain as Edward could have handled^ 
them. 

Because no doubt if monarchy is to survive in 
the British Empire it must speedily undergo the 
profoundest modification. The old state of affairs 
cannot continue. The European dynastic system, 
based upon the intermarriage of a group of mainly 
German royal families, is dead to-day ; it is freshly 
dead, but it is as dead as the rule of the Incas. It 
is idle to close our eyes to this fact. The revolu- 
tion in Russia, the setting up of a republic in China, 
demonstrating the ripeness of the East for free 
institutions, the entry of the American republics 
into world politics — these things slam the door 
on any idea of working back to the old nineteenth- 
century system. People calls to people. " No 
peace with the Hohenzollerns " is a cry that carries 
with it the final repudiation of emperors and 
kings. The man in the street will assure you he 
wants no diplomatic peace. Beyond the unstable 
shapes of the present the political forms of the 
future rise now so clearly that they are the common 
talk of men. Kant's lucid thought told us long 
ago that the peace of the world demanded a world 
union of republics. That is a commonplace remark 
now in every civilized community. 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 91 

The stars in their courses, the logic of circum- 
stances, the everyday needs and everyday intelU- 
gence of men, all these things march irresistibly 
towards a permanent world peace based on demo- 
cratic republicanism. The question of the future 
of monarchy is not whether it will be able to resist 
and overcome that trend ; it has as little chance 
of doing that as the Lama of Thibet has of becoming 
Emperor of the Earth. It is whether it will resist 
openly, become the centre and symbol of a re- 
actionary resistance, and have to be abolished and 
swept away altogether everywhere, as the Romanoffs 
have already been swept away in Russia, or whether 
it will be able in this country and that to adapt 
itself to the necessities of the great age that dawns 
upon mankind, to take a generous and helpful 
attitude towards its own modification, and so 
survive, for a time at any rate, in that larger air. 

It is the fashion for the apologists of monarchy 
in the British Empire to speak of the British system 
as a crowned republic. That is an attractive 
phrase to people of republican sentiments. It is 
quite conceivable that the British Empire may be 
able to make that phrase a reality and that the 
royal line may continue, a line of hereditary pre- 
sidents, with some of the ancient trappings and 
something of the picturesque prestige that, as the 
oldest monarchy in Europe, it has to-day. Two 



92 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

kings in Europe have already gone far towards 
realizing this conception of a life president ; both 
the King of Italy and the King of Norway live as 
simpl)'' as if they were in the White House and arc 
far more accessible. Along that line the British 
monarchy must go if it is not to go altogether. 
Will it go along those lines ? 

There are many reasons for hoping that it will 
do so. The Times has styled the crown the 
" golden link " of the empire. Australians and 
Canadians, it was argued, had little love for the 
motherland but the greatest devotion to the 
sovereign, and still truer was this of Indians, 
Egyptians, and the like. It might be easy to press 
this theory of devotion too far, but there can be 
little doubt that the British Crown does at present 
stand as a symbol of unity over diversity such as 
no other crown, unless it be that of Austria- 
Hungary, can be said to do. The British crown is 
not like other crowns ; it may conceivably take a 
line of its own and emerge — possibly a little more 
like a hat and a little less like a crown — from trials 
that may destroy every other monarchial system 
in the world. 

Now many things are going on behind the 
scenes, many little indications peep out upon the 
speculative watcher and vanish again ; but there 
is very little that is definite to go upon at the 



THE LEACUTE OF FREE NATIONS 93 

present time to determine how far the monarchy 
will rise to the needs of this great occasion. Certain 
acts and changes, the initiative to which would 
come most gracefully from royalty itself, could 
be done at this present time. They may be done 
quite soon. Upon the doing of them wait great 
masses of public opinion. The first of these things 
is for the British monarchy to sever itself definitely 
from the German djaiastic system with which it is 
so fatally entangled by marriage and descent, and 
to make its intention of becoming henceforth more 
and more British in blood as well as spirit, unmis- 
takably plain. This idea has been put forth quite 
prominently in the Times. The king has been 
asked to give his countenance to the sweeping away 
of all those restrictions first set up by George the 
Third, upon the marriage of the Royal Princes 
with British, French and American subjects. The 
British Empire is very near the limit of its endur- 
ance of a kingly caste of Germans. The choice of 
British royalty between its peoples and its cousins 
cannot be indefinitely delayed. Were it made now 
publicly and boldly, there can be no doubt that the 
decision would mean a renascence of monarchy, a 
considerable outbreak of royalist enthusiasm in the 
Empire. There are times when a king or queen 
must need be dramatic and must a little anticipate 
occasions. It is not seemly to make concessions 



94 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

perforce ; kings may not make obviously unwilling 
surrenders ; it is the indecisive kings who lose their 
crowns. 

No doubt the Anglicization of the royal family 
by national marriages would gradually merge that 
family into the general body of the British peerage. 
Its consequent loss of distinction might be accom- 
panied by an associated fading out of function, 
until the King became at last hardly more func- 
tional than was the late Duke of Norfolk as premier 
peer. Possibly that is the most desirable course 
from many points of view. 

It must be admitted that the abandonment of 
marriages within the royal caste and a bold attempt 
to introduce a strain of British blood in the royal 
family does not in itself fulfil all that is needed if 
the British king is indeed to become the crowned 
president of his people and the nominal and 
accepted leader of the movement towards republican 
institutions. A thing that is productive of an 
enormous amount of republican talk in Great Britain 
is the suspicion — I believe an ill-founded suspicion 
— that there are influences at work at court 
antagonistic to republican institutions in friendly 
states and that there is a disposition even to 
sacrifice the interests of the liberal allies to dynastic 
sympathies. These things are not to be believed, 
but it would be a feat of vast impressiveness if 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 95 

there were something Hke a royal and public 
repudiation of the weaknesses of cousinship. The 
behaviour of the AlHes towards that great Balkan 
statesman Venizelos, the sacrificing of the friendly 
Greek republicans in favour of the manifestly 
treacherous King of Greece, has produced the 
deepest shame and disgust in many quarters that 
are altogether friendly, that are even warmly 
" loyal " to the British monarchy. 

And in a phase of tottering thrones it is very 
undesirable that the British habit of asylum should 
be abused. We have already in England the de- 
throned monarch of a friendly republic ; he is no 
doubt duly looked after. In the future there may 
be a shaking of the autumnal boughs and a shower 
of emperors and kings. We do not want Great 
Britain to become a hotbed of reactionary plotting 
and the starting-point of restoration raids into the 
territories of emancipated peoples. This is par- 
ticularly desirable if presently, after the Kaiser's 
death — which by all the statistics of Hohenzollern 
mortality cannot be delayed now for many years — 
the present Crown Prince goes a-wandering. We 
do not want any German ex-monarchs ; Sweden 
is always open to them and friendly, and to Sweden 
they ought to go ; and particularly do British 
people dread an irruption of Hohenzollerns or 
Coburgers. Almost as undesirable would be the 



96 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

arrival of the Czar and Czarina. It is supremely 
important that no wind of suspicion should blow 
between us and the freedom of Russia. After the 
war even more than during the war will the enemy 
be anxious to sow discord between the great 
Russian-speaking and English-speaking demo- 
cracies. Quite apart from the scandal of their 
inelegant domesticities, the establishment of the 
Czar and Czarina in England with frequent and 
easy access to our royal family may be extraordi- 
narily unfortunate for the British monarchy. I 
will confess a certain sympathy for the Czar myself. 
He is not an evil figure, he is not a strong figure, 
but he has that sort of weakness, that failure in 
decision, which trails revolution in its wake. He 
has ended one dynasty already. The British royal 
family owes it to itself, that he bring not the in- 
fection of his misfortunes to Windsor. 

The security of the British monarchy lies in 
such a courageous severance of its destinies from 
the Teutonic dynastic system. Will it make that 
severance ? There I share an almost universal 
ignorance. The loyalty of the British is not to 
what kings are too prone to call " my person," not 
to a chosen and admired family, but to a renascent 
mankind. We have fought in this war for Belgium, 
for France, for general freedom, for civilization and 
the whole future of mankind, far more than for 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 97 

ourselves. We have not fought for a king. We 
are discovering in that spirit of human unity that 
hes below the idea of a League of Free Nations the 
real invisible king of our heart and race. But we 
will very gladly go on with our task under a nominal 
king unless he hampers us in the task that grows 
ever more plainly before us. . . . That, I think, is 
a fair statement of British public opinion on this 
question. But every day when I am in London I 
walk past Buckingham Palace to lunch at my club, 
and I look at that not very expressive faQade and 
wonder — and we all wonder — what thoughts are 
going on behind it and what acts are being con- 
ceived there. Out of it there might yet come 
some gesture of acceptance magnificent enough to 
set beside President Wilson's magnificent declara- 
tion of war. . . . 

These are things in the scales of fate. I will 
not pretend to be able to guess even which way the 
scales will swing. 



VIII 

THE PLAIN NECESSITY FOR A LEAGUE 

Great as the sacrifices of -prejudice and pre- 
conception which any effective reaHzation of this 
idea of a League of Free Nations will demand, 
difficult as the necessary delegations of sovereignty 
must be, none the less are such sacrifices and 
difficulties unavoidable. People in France and 
Italy and Great Britain and Germany alike have 
to subdue their minds to the realization that some 
such League is now a necessity for them if their 
peace and national life are to continue. There 
is no prospect before them but either some such 
League or else great humiliation and disastrous 
%varfare driving them down towards social disso- 
lution ; and for the United States it is only a 
question of a little longer time before the same 
alternatives have to be faced. 

Whether this war ends in the complete defeat 
of Germany and German imperialism, or in a 
revolutionary modernization of Germany, or in a 
practical triumph for the Hohenzollerns, are con- 
siderations that affect the nature and scope of the 

98 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 99 

League, but do not affect its essential necessity. 
In the first two cases the League of Free Nations 
will be a world league including Germany as a 
principal partner, in the latter case the League of 
Free Nations will be a defensive league standing 
steadfast against the threat of a world imperialism, 
and watching and restraining with one common 
will the homicidal maniac in its midst. But in all 
these cases there can be no great alleviation of the 
evils that now blacken and threaten to ruin human 
life altogether, unless all the civilized and peace - 
seeking peoples of the world are pledged and 
locked together under a common law and a common 
world policy. There must rather be an intensifica- 
tion of these evils. There must be wars more 
evil than this war continuing this war, and more 
destructive of civilized life. There can be no 
peace and hope for our race but an organized peace 
and hope, armed against disturbance as a state is 
armed against mad, ferocious, and criminal men. 

Now, there are two chief arguments, running 
one into the other, for the necessity of merging our 
existing sovereignties into a greater and, if possible, 
a world-wide league. The first is the present 
geographical impossibility of nearly all the exist- 
ing European states and empires ; and the second 
is the steadily increasing disproportion between 
>the tortures and destructions inflicted by modern 



100 THE LEACiUE OF FREE NATIONS 

warfare and any possible advantages that may 
arise from it. Underlying both arguments is 
the fact that modern developments of mechanical 
science have brought the nations of Europe together 
into too close a proximity. This present war, more 
than anything else, is a violent struggle between 
old political ideas and new antagonistic conditions. 
It is the unhappy usage of our schools and 
universities to study the history of mankind only 
during periods of mechanical unprogressiveness. 
The historical ideas of Europe range between the 
time when the Greeks were going about the world 
on foot or horseback or in galleys or sailing ships 
to the days when Napoleon, Wellington, and Nelson 
were going about at very much the same pace in 
much the same vehicles and vessels. At the 
advent of steam and electricity the muse of history 
liolds her nose and shuts her eyes. Science will 
study and get the better of a modern disease, as, 
for example, sleeping sickness, in spite of the fact 
that it has no classical standing ; but our history 
schools would be shocked at the bare idea of 
studying the effect of modern means of communica- 
tion upon administrative areas, large or small. 
This defect in our historical training has made 
our minds politically sluggish. We fail to adapt 
readily enough. In small things and great alike 
we are trying to run the world in areas marked out ' 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 101 

ill or before the eighteenth century, regardless of 
the fact that a man or an army or an aeroplane 
can get in a few minutes or a few hours to points 
that it would have taken days or weeks to reach 
under the old foot-and-horse conditions. That 
matters nothing to the learned men who instruct 
our statesmen and politicians. It matters every- 
thing from the point of view of social and economic 
and political life. And the grave fact to consider 
is that all the great states of Europe, except for the 
unification of Italy an4 Germany, are still much 
of the size and in much the same boundaries that 
made them strong and safe in the eighteenth 
century, that is to say, in the closing years of the 
foot-horse period. The British empire grew and 
Avas organized under those conditions, and had to 
modify itself only a little to meet the needs of 
steam shipping. All over the world are its linked 
possessions and its ports and coaling stations and 
fastnesses on the trade routes. And British 
people still look at the red-splashed map of the 
world with the profoundest self-satisfaction, blind 
to the swift changes that are making that scattered 
empire — if it is to remain an isolated system — 
almost the most dangerous conceivable. 

Let me ask the British reader who is disposed 
to sneer at the League of Nations and say he is 
very well content with the empire, thank you, to 



102 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

get his atlas and consider one or two propositions. 
And, first, let him think of aviation. I can assure 
him, because upon this matter I have some special 
knowledge, that long-distance air travel for men, 
for letters and light goods and for bombs, is con- 
tinually becoming more practicable. But the air 
routes that air transport will follow must go over 
a certain amount of land, for this reason that every 
few hundred miles at the longest the machine 
must come down for petrol. A flying machine 
with a safe non-stop range of 1500 miles is still 
a long way off. It may indeed be permanently 
impracticable because there seems to be an upward 
limit to the size of an aeroplane engine. And 
now will the reader take the map of the world 
and study the air routes from London to the 
rest of the empire ? He will find them per- 
plexing — if he wants them to be "All-Red." 
Happily this is not a British difficulty only. 
Will he next study the air routes from Paris 
to the rest of the French possessions ? And, 
finally, Will he study the air routes out of Germany 
to anywhere ? The Germans are as badly off as 
any people. But we are all badly off. So far 
as world air transit goes any country can, if it 
chooses, choke any adjacent country. Directly 
any trade difficulty breaks out, any country can 
begin a vexatious campaign against its neighbour's 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 103 

air traffic. It can oblige it to alight at the frontier, 
to follow prescribed routes, to land at specified 
places on those routes and undergo examinations 
that will waste precious hours. But so far as I 
can see, no European statesman, German or 
Allied, have begun to give their attention to this 
amazing difficulty. Without a great pooling of 
air control, either a world-wide pooling or a pooling 
at least of the Atlantic-Mediterranean Allies in one 
Air League, the splendid peace possibilities of air 
transport — and they are indeed splendid — must 
remain very largely a forbidden possibility to 
mankind. 

And as a second illustration of the way in 
which changing conditions are altering political 
questions, let the reader take his atlas and consider 
the case of that impregnable fastness, that great 
naval station, that Key to the Mediterranean, 
Gibraltar. British boys are brought up on Gib- 
raltar and the Gibraltar idea. To the British 
imagination Gibraltar is almost as sacred a national 
symbol as the lions in Trafalgar Square. Now, in 
his atlas the reader will almost certainly find an 
inset map of this valuable possession, coloured 
bright red. The inset map will have attached to 
it a small scale of miles. From that he will be 
able to satisfy himself that there is not an inch of 
the rock anywhere that is not within five miles 



104 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

or less of Spanish land, and that there is rather 
more than a semicircle of hills round the rock 
within a range of seven or eight miles. That 
is much less than the range of a sixteen-inch gun. 
In other words, the Spaniards are in a position to 
knock Gibraltar to bits whenever they want to do 
so, or to smash and sink any ships in its harbour. 
They can hit it on every side. Consider, moreover, 
that there are long sweeps of coast north, south, 
and west of the Rock, from which torpedoes could 
be discharged at any ship that approached. In- 
quire further where on the Rock an aeroplane can 
land. And having ascertained these things, ask 
yourself what is the present value of Gibraltar ? 

I will not multiply disagreeable instances of this 
sort, though it would be easy enough to do so in the 
case both of France and Italy as well as of Great 
Britain. I give them as illustrations of the way 
in which everywhere old securities and old arrange- 
ments must be upset by the greater range of modern 
things. Let us get on to more general conditions. 
There is not a capital city in Europe that twenty 
years from now will not be liable to a bombing 
raid done by hundreds or even thousands of big 
aeroplanes, upon or even before a declaration of 
war, and there is not a line of sea communication 
that will not be as promptly interrupted by the 
hostile submarine. I point these things out here 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 105 

only to carry home tlic fact that the ideas of 
sovereign isolation and detachment that 'were 
perfectly valid in 1900, the self- sufficient empire. 
Imperial Zollverein and all that stuff, and damn 
the foreigner ! are now, because of the enormous 
changes in range of action and facility of locomotion 
that have been going on, almost as wild — or would 
be if we were not so fatally accustomed to them — 
and quite as dangerous, as the idea of setting up 
a free and sovereign state in the Isle of Dogs. All 
the European empires are becoming vulnerable 
at every point. Surely the moral is obvious. 
The only wise course before the allied European 
powers now is to put their national conceit in their 
pockets and to combine to lock up their foreign 
policy, their trade interests, and all their imperial 
and international interests into a League so big 
as to be able to withstand the most sudden and 
treacherous of blows. And surely the only com- 
pletely safe course for them and mankind — hard 
and nearly impossible though it may seem at the 
present juncture — is for them to lock up into one 
unity with a democratized Germany and with all 
the other states of the earth into one peace-main- 
taining League. 

If the reader will revert again to his atlas he 
will see very clearly that a strongly consolidated 
League of Free Nations, even if it consisted only 



106 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

of our present allies, would in itself form a com- 
bination with so close a system of communication 
about the world, and so great an economic advan- 
tage, that in the long run it could oblige Germany 
and the rest of the world to come in to its council. 
Divided the Oceanic Allies are, to speak plainly, 
geographical rags and nakedness ; united they are 
a world. To set about organizing that League 
now, with its necessary repudiation on the part 
of Britain, France, and Italy, of a selfish and, it 
must be remembered in the light of these things 
I have but hinted at here, a now hopelessly tin- 
practicable imperialismy would, I am convinced, 
lead quite rapidly to a great change of heart in 
Germany and to a satisfactory peace. But even 
if I am wrong in that, then all the stronger is the 
reason for binding, locking and uniting the allied 
powers together. It is the most dangerous of 
delusions for each and all of them to suppose that 
either Britain, France or Italy can ever stand 
alone again and be secure. 

And turning now to the other aspect of these 
consequences of the development of material 
science, it is too often assumed that this war is 
being as horrible and destructive as war can be. 
There never was so great a delusion. This war has 
only begun to be horrible. No doubt it is much 
more horrible and destructive than any former 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 107 

war, but even in comparison with the full possi- 
bilities of known and existing means of destruction 
it is still a mild war. Perhaps it will never rise 
to its full possibilities. At the present stage there 
is not a combatant, except perhaps America, which 
is not now practising a pinching economy of steel 
and other mechanical material. The Germans are 
running short of first-class flying men, and if we 
and our allies continue to press the air attack, and 
seek out and train our own vastly greater resources 
of first quality young airmen, the Germans may 
come as near to being " driven out of the air " as is 
possible. I am a fii'mer believer than ever I was 
in the possibility of a complete victory over 
Germany — ^through and by the au\ But the 
occasional dropping of a big bomb or so in London 
is not to be taken as anything but a minimum 
display of what air war edh do. In a little while 
now our alliance should be in a position to commence 
day and night continuous attacks upon the Rhine 
towns. Not hour-long raids such as London 
knows, but week-long raids. Then and then only 
shall we be able to gauge the really horrible possi- 
bilities of the air war. They are in our hands and 
not in the hands of the Germans. In addition the 
Germans are at a huge disadvantage in theii* 
submarine campaign. Their submarine campaign 
is only the feeble shadow of what a submarine 



108 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

campaign might be. Turning again to the atlas 
the reader can see for himself that the German and 
Austrian submarines are obliged to come out across 
very narrow fronts. A fence of mines less than 
three hundred miles long and two hundred feet 
deep would, for example, completely bar their exit 
through the North Sea. The U-boats run the 
gauntlet of that long narrow sea and pay a heavy 
toll to it. If only our Admiralty would tell the 
German public what that toll is now, there would 
come a tinie when German seamen would no longer 
consent to go down in them. Consider, however, 
what a submarine campaign would be for Great 
Britain if instead of struggling through this bottle- 
neck it were conducted from the coast of Norway, 
where these pests might harbour in a hundred 
fiords. Consider too what this weapon may be in 
twenty years' time in the hands of a country in 
the position of the United States. Great Britain, 
if she is not altogether mad, will cease to be an 
island as soon as possible after the war, by piercing 
the Channel Tunnel — how different our transport 
problem would be if we had that now ! — but such 
countries as Australia, New Zealand, and Japan, 
directly they are involved in the future in a war 
against any efficient naval power with an unimpeded 
sea access, will be isolated forthwith. I cannot 
conceive that any of the great ocean powers will 



Tin: LEAGUE OF FJIEE XATIOXS loi) 

rest content until such a tremendous possibility 
of blockade as the submarine has created is 
securely vested in the hands of a common league 
beyond any power of sudden abuse. 

It must always be remembered that this war 
is a mechanical war conducted by men whose 
discipline renders them uninventive, who know 
little or nothing of mechanism, who are for the 
most part struggling blindly to get things back 
to the conditions for which they were trained, to 
Napoleonic conditions, with infantry and cavalry 
and comparatively light guns, the so-called " war 
of manceuvres." It is like a man engaged in a 
desperate duel who keeps on trying to make it a 
game of cricket. Most of these soldiers detest 
every sort of mechanical device ; the tanks, 
for example, which, used with imagination, might 
have given the British and French overwhelming 
victory on the western front, were subordinated 
to the usual cavalry " break through " idea. I am 
not making any particular complaint against the 
British and French generals in saying this. It is 
what must happen to any country which entrusts 
its welfare to soldiers. A soldier has to be a 
severely disciplined man, and a severely disciplined 
man cannot be a versatile man, and on the whole 
the British army has been as receptive to novelties 
as any. The German generals have done no better ; 



310 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

indeed, they have not done so well as the generals 
of the Allies in this respect. But after the war, 
if the world does not organize rapidly for peace, 
then as resources accumulate a little, the mechani- 
cal genius will get to work on the possibilities 
of these ideas that have merely been sketched 
out in this war. We shall get big land ironclads 
which will smash towns. We shall get air offen- 
sives — let the experienced London reader think 
of an air raid going on hour after hour, day after 
day — ^that will really burn out and wreck towns, 
that will drive people mad by the thousand. 
We shall get a very complete cessation of sea 
transit. Even land transit may be enormously 
hampered by aerial attack. I doubt if any sort 
of social order will really be able to stand the 
strain of a fully worked out modern war. We 
have still, of course, to feel the full shock effects 
even of this war. Most of the combatants are 
going on, as sometimes men who have incurred 
grave wounds will still go on for a time — ^without 
feeling them. The educational, biological, social, 
economic punishment that has already been taken 
by each of the European countries is, I feel, very 
much greater than we yet realize. Russia, the 
heaviest and worst-tramed combatant, has indeed 
shown the effects and is down and sick, but in 
three years' time all Europe will know far better 



THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIOiXS lU 

than it does now the full price of this war. And 
the shock effects of the next war will have much 
the same relation to the shock effects of this, as the 
shock of breaking a finger-nail has to the shock 
of crushing in a body. In Russia to-day we have 
seen, not indeed social revolution, not the replace- 
ment of one social order by another, but dis- 
integration. Let not national conceit blind us. 
Germany, France, Italy, Britain are all slipping 
about on that same slope down which Russia has 
slid. Which goes first, it is hard to guess, or 
whether we shall all hold out to some kind of 
Peace. At present the social discipline of France 
and Britain seems to be at least as good as that of 
Germany, and the morale of the Rhineland and 
Bavaria has probably to undergo very severe 
testing by systematized and steadily increasing 
air punishment as this year goes on. The next 
war — ^if a next war comes — ^will see all Germany, 
from end to end, vulnerable to aircraft. . . . 

Such are the two sets of considerations that 
will, I think, ultimately prevail over every pre- 
judice and every difficulty in the way of the League 
of Free Nations. Existing states have become 
impossible as absolutely independent sovereignties. 
The new conditions bring them so close together 
and give them such extravagant powers of mutual 
injury that they must either sink national pride 



112 THE LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS 

and dynastic ambitions in subordination to the 
common welfare of mankind or else utterly shatter 
one another. It becomes more and more plainly 
a choice between the League of Free Nations and 
a famished race of men looting in search of non- 
existent food amidst the smouldering ruins of 
civilization. In the end I believe that the common 
sense of mankind will prefer a revision of its ideas 
of nationality and imperialism, to the latter alter- 
native. It may take obstinate men a few more 
years yet of blood and horror to learn this lesson, 
but for my own part I cherish an obstinate belief 
in the potential reasonableness of mankind. 



IX 

DEMOCRACY 

All the talk, all the aspiration and work that is 
making now towards this conception of a world 
securely at peace, under the direction of a League 
of Free Nations, has interwoven with it an idea 
that is often rather felt than understood, the idea 
of Democracy. Not only is justice to prevail be- 
tween race and race and nation and nation, but 
also between man and man ; there is to be a uni- 
versal respect for human life throughout the earth ; 
the world, in the words of President Wilson, is to 
be made " safe for democracy." I would like to 
subject that word to a certain scrutiny to see 
whether the things we are apt to think and 
assume about it correspond exactly with the feeling 
of the word. I would like to ask what, under 
modern conditions, does democracy mean, and 
whether we have got it now anywhere in the world 
in its fulness and completion. 

And to begin with I must have a quarrel with 

the word itself. The eccentricities of modern 

113 I 



114 DEMOCRACY 

education make us dependent for a number of our 
primary political terms upon those used by the 
thinkers of the small Greek republics of ancient 
times before those petty states collapsed, through 
sheer political ineptitude, before the Macedonians. 
They thought in terms of states so small that it was 
possible to gather all the citizens together for the 
purposes of legislation. These states were scarcely 
more than what we English might call sovereign 
urban districts. Fast communications were made 
by runners ; even the policeman with a bicycle of 
the modern urban district was beyond the scope of 
the Greek imagination. There were no railways, 
telegraphs, telephones, books or newspapers, there 
was no need for the state to maintain a system of 
education, and the affairs of the state were so simple 
that they could be discussed and decided by the 
human voice and open voting in an assembly of all 
the citizens. That is what democracy meant. In 
Andorra, or perhaps in Canton Uri, such democracy 
may still be possible ; in any other modern state 
it cannot exist. The opposite term to it was 
oligarchy, in which a small council of men con- 
trolled the affairs of the state. Oligarchy, narrowed 
down to one man, became monarchy. If you 
wished to be polite to an oligarchy you called it 
an aristocracy ; if you wished to point out that a 
monarch was rather by way of being self-appointed, 



DEMOCRACY 115 

you called him a Tyrant. An oligarchy with a 
property qualification was a plutocracy. 

Now the modern intelligence, being under a 
sort of magic slavery to the ancient Greeks, has to 
adapt all these terms to the problems of states so 
vast and complex that they have the same relation 
to the Greek states that the anatomy of a man has 
to the anatomy of a jellyfish. They are not only 
greater in extent and denser in population, but 
they are increasingly innervated by more and more 
rapid means of communication and excitement. 
In the classical past — except for such special cases 
as the feeding of Rome with Egyptian corn — ^trade 
was a traffic in luxuries or slaves, war a small 
specialized affair of infantry and horsemen in search 
'tt slaves and loot, and empire the exaction of 
tribute. The modern state must conduct its enor- 
mous businesses through a system of ministries ; 
its vital interests go all round the earth ; nothing 
that any ancient Greek would have recognized as 
democracy is conceivable in a great modern state. 
It is absolutely necessary, if we are to get things 
clear in our minds about what democracy really 
means in relation to modern politics, first to make 
a quite fresh classification in order to find whst 
items there really are to consider, and then to in- 
quire which seem to correspond more or less closely 
in spirit with our ideas about ancient democracy. 



116 DEMOCRACY 

Now there are two primary classes of idea about 
government in the modern world depending upon 
our conception of the political capacity of the 
common man. We may suppose he is a micro- 
cosm, with complete ideas and wishes about the 
state and the world, or we may suppose that he 
isn't. We may believe that the common man can 
govern, or we may believe that he can't. We may 
think further along the first line that he is so wise 
and good and right that we only have to get out 
of his way for him to act rightly and for the good 
of all mankind, or we may doubt it. And if we 
doubt that we may still believe that, though per- 
haps " you can fool all the people some of the time, 
and some of the people all the time," the common 
man, expressing himself by a majority vote, still 
remains the secure source of human wisdom. But 
next, while we may deny this universal distribution 
of political wisdom, we may, if we are sufficiently 
under the sway of modern ideas about collective 
psychology, believe that it is necessary to poke up 
the political indifference and inability of the com- 
mon man as much as possible, to thrust political 
ideas and facts upon him, to incite him to a watchful 
and critical attitude towards them, and above all 
to secure his assent to the proceedings of the able 
people who are managing public affairs. Or finally, 
vvc mav treat him as a thin«> to be ruled and not 



DEMOCRACY 117 

consulted. Let me at this stage make out a 
classificatory diagram of these elementary ideas of 
government in a modern country. 

Class I. It is supposed that the common man 
can govern : 

(1) without further organization (Anarchy) ; 

(2) through a majoritj^ vote by delegates. 

Class II. It is supposed that the common man 
cannot govern, and that government therefore must 
be through the agency of Able Persons who may be 
classified under one of the following sub -heads, 
either as 

( 1 ) persons elected by the common man because 

he believes them to be persons able to 
govern — just as he chooses his doctors as 
persons able to secure health, and his elec- 
trical engineers as persons able to attend 
to his tramways, lighting, etc., etc. ; 

(2) persons of a special class, as, for example, 

persons born and educated to rule (e.g. 
Aristocracy)^ or rich business adven- 
turers {Plutocracy) who rule without 
consulting the common man at all. 

To which two sub-classes we may 
perhaps add a sort of intermediate 
stage between them, namely : 

(3) persons elected by a special class of voter. 



ns DEMOCRACY 

Monarchy may be either a special case of Class 
II. (1), (2) or (3), in which the persons who rule have 
narrowed down in number to one person, and the 
duration of monarchy may be either for life or a 
term of years. These two classes and the five sub- 
classes cover, I believe, all the elementary political 
types in our world. 

Now in the constitution of a modern state, 
because of the conflict and confusion of ideas, all 
or most of these five sub-classes may usually be 
found intertwined. The British constitution, for 
instance, is a complicated tangle of arrangements, 
due to a struggle between the ideas of Class I. (2), 
Class II. (3), tending to become Class II. (1) and 
Class II. (2) in both its aristocratic and monarchist 
forms. The American constitution is largely domi- 
nated by Class I. (2), from which it breaks away in 
the case of the President to a short-term monarchist 
aspect of Class II. (1). I will not elaborate this 
classification further. I have made it here in order 
to render clear first, that what we moderns mean 
by democracy is not what the Greeks meant at all, 
that is to say, direct government by the assembly 
of all the citizens, and secondly and more impor-. 
tant, that the word " democracy " is being used 
very largely in current discussion, so that it is 
impossible to say in any particular case whether 
the intention is Class I. (2) or Class II. (1), and that 



DEMOCRACY 119 

we have to make up our minds whether we mean, 
if I may coin two phrases, " delegate democracy " 
or " selective democracy," or some definite com- 
bination of these two, when we talk about " de- 
mocracy," before we can get on much beyond a 
generous gesture of equality and enfranchisement 
towards our brother man. The word is being used, 
in fact, confusingly for these two quite widely 
different things. 

Now, it seems to me that though there has been 
no very clear discussion of the issue between those 
two very opposite conceptions of democracy, largely 
because of the want of proper distinctive terms, 
there has nevertheless been a wide movement o 
public opinion away from " delegate democracy " 
and towards " selective democracy." People have 
gone on saying " democracy," while gradually 
changing its meaning from the former to the latter. 
It is notable in Great Britain, for example, that 
while there has' been no perceptible diminution in 
our faith in democracy, there has been a growing 
criticism of " party " and " politicians," and a 
great weakening in the power and influence of 
representatives and representative institutions. 
There has been a growing demand for personality 
and initiative in elected persons. The press, which 
was once entirely subordinate politically to parlia- 
mentary politics, adopts an attitude towards 



120 dp:mocracy 

parliament and party leaders nowadays v/liich 
would have seemed inconceivable insolence in the 
days of Lord Palmerston. And there has been a 
vigorous agitation in support of electoral methods 
which are manifestly calculated to subordinate 
" delegated " to " selected " men. 

The movement for electoral reform in Great 
Britain at the present time is one of quite funda- 
mental importance in the development of modern 
democracy. The case of the reformers is that 
heretofore modern democracy has not had a fair 
opportunity of showing its best possibilities to the 
world, because the methods of election have per- 
sistently set aside the better types of public men, 
or rather of would-be public men, in favour of 
mere party hacks. That is a story common to 
Britain and the American democracies, but in 
America it was expressed in rather different terms 
and dealt with in a less analytical fashion than it 
has been in Great Britain. It was not at first 
clearly understood that the failure of democracy 
to produce good government came through the 
preference of " delegated " over " selected " men, 
the idea of delegation did in fact dominate the 
minds of both electoral reformers and electoral 
conservatives alike, and the earlier stages of the 
reform movement in Great Britain were inspired 
not so much by the idea of getting a better type of 



DEMOCRACY 121 

representative as by the idea of getting a fairer 
representation of minorities. It was only slowly 
that the idea that sensible men do not usually 
belong to any political " party " took hold. It is 
only now being realized that what sensible men 
desire in a member of parliament is honour and 
capacity rather than a mechanical loyalty to a 
" platform." They do not Avant to dictate to their 
representative ; they want a man they can trust 
as their representative. In the fifties and sixties 
of the last century, in which this electoral reform 
movement began and the method of Proportional 
Representation was thought out, it was possible 
for the reformers to work untroubled upon the 
assumption that if a man was not necessarily born a 

"... little Liber-al, 
or else a little Conservative," 

he must at least be a Liberal-Unionist or a Con- 
servative Free-Trader. But seeking a fair repre- 
sentation for party minorities, these reformers 
produced a system of voting at once simple and 
incapable of manipulation, that leads straight, not 
to the representation of small parties, but to a 
type of democratic government by selected best 
men. 

Before giving the essential features of that 
system, it may be well to state in its simplest form 



122 DEMOCRACY 

the evils at which the reform aims. An election, 
the reformers point out, is not the simple matter 
it appears to be at the first blush. Methods of 
voting can be manipulated in various ways, and 
nearly every method has its own liability to falsifi- 
cation. We may take for illustration the common- 
est, simplest case — the case that is the perplexity 
of every clear-thinking voter under British or 
American conditions — the case of a constituency 
in which every elector has one vote, and which 
returns one representative to Parliament. The 
naive theory on which people go is that all the 
possible candidates are put up, that each voter 
votes for the one he likes best, and that the best 
man wins. The bitter experience is that hardly 
ever are there more than two candidates, and still 
more rarely is either of these the best man possible. 
Suppose, for example, the constituency is mainly 
Conservative. A little group of pothouse poli- 
ticians, wire-pullers, busybodies, local journalists, 
and small lawyers, working for various monetary 
interests, have " captured " the local Conservative 
organization. They have time and energy to 
capture it, because they have no other interest in 
life except that. It is their " business," and honest 
men are busy with other duties. For reasons that 
do not appear these local " workers " put up an 
unknown Mr. Goldbug as the official Conservative 



DEMOCRACY 123 

candidate. He professes a generally Conservative 
view of things, but few people are sure of him and 
few people trust him. Against him the weaker 
(and therefore still more venal) Liberal organization 
noAV puts up a Mr. Kentshire (formerly Wurstberg) 
to represent the broader thought and finer generosi- 
ties of the English mind. A number of Conservative 
gentlemen, generally too busy about their honest 
businesses to attend the party " smokers " and 
the party cave, realize suddenly that they want 
Goldbug hardly more than they want Wurstberg. 
They put up their long-admired, trusted, and 
able friend Mr. Sanity as an Independent Con- 
servative. 

Every one knows the trouble that follows. Mr. 
Sanity is " going to split the party vote." The 
hesitating voter is told, with considerable truth, 
that a vote given for Mr. Sanity is a vote given for 
Wurstberg. At any price the constituency does 
not want Wurstberg. So at the eleventh hour 
Mr. Sanity is induced to withdraw, and Mr. Gold- 
bug goes into Parliament to misrepresent this 
constituency. And so with most constituencies, 
and the result is a legislative body consisting 
largely of men of unknown character and obscure 
aims, whose only credential is the wearing of a 
party label. They come into parliament not to 
forward the great interests they ostensibly support, 



124 DEMOCRACY 

but with an eye to the railway jobbery, corporation 
business, concessions and financial operations 
that necessarily go on in and about the national 
legislature. That in its simplest form is the dilemma 
of democracy. The problem that has confronted 
modern democracy since its beginning has not 
really been the representation of organized minori- 
ties — they are very well able to look after them- 
selves — but the protection of the unorganized mass 
of busily occupied, fairly intelligent men from the 
tricks of the specialists who work the party machines. 
We know Mr. Sanity, we want Mr. Sanity, but we 
are too busy to watch the incessant intrigues to 
oust him in favour of the obscurely influential 
people, politically docile, who are favoured by the 
organization. We want an organizer-proof method 
of voting. It is in answer to this demand, as the 
outcome of a most careful examination of the 
ways in which voting may be protected from the 
exploitation of those who work elections, that 
the method of Proportional Representation with 
a single transferable vote has been evolved. It is 
organizer-proof. It defies the caucus. If you do 
not like Mr. Goldbug you can put up and vote 
for Mr. Sanity, giving Mr. Goldbug your second 
choice, in the most perfect confidence that in 
any case your vote cannot help to return Mr. 
Wurstberg. 



DEMOCRACY 125 

With Proportional Representation with a single 
transferable vote (this specification is necessary, 
because there are also the inferior imitations of 
various election-riggers figuring as proportional 
representation), it is impossible to prevent the effective 
candidature of independent men of repute beside the 
official candidates. 

The method of voting under the Proportional 
Representation system has been ignorantly repre- 
sented as complex. It is really almost ideally 
simple. You mark the list of candidates with 
numbers in the order of your preference. For 
example, you believe A to be absolutely the best 
man for parliament ; you mark him 1. But B 
you think is the next best man ; you mark him 2. 
That means that if A gets an enormous amount of 
support, ever so many more votes than he requires 
for his return, your vote will not be wasted. Only 
so much of your vote as is needed will go to A ; the 
rest will go to B. Or, on the other hand, if A has 
so little support that his chances are hopeless, you 
will not have thrown your vote away upon him ; 
it will go to B. Similarly you may indicate a third, 
a fourth, and a fifth choice ; if you like you may 
mark every name on your paper with a number to 
indicate the order of your preferences. And that 
is all the voter has to do. The reckoning and 
counting of the votes presents not the slightest 



126 DEMOCRACY 

difficulty to any one used to the business of compu- 
tation. Silly and dishonest men, appealing to still 
sillier audiences, have got themselves and their 
audiences into humorous muddles over this busi- 
ness, but the principles are perfectly plain and 
simple. Let me state them here ; they can be 
fully and exactly stated, with various ornaments, 
comments, arguments, sarcastic remarks, and 
digressions, in seventy lines of this type. 

It will be evident that, in any election under 
this system, any one who has got a certain pro- 
portion of No. 1 votes will be elected. If, for 
instance, four people have to be elected and 20,000 
voters vote, then any one who has got 4001 first 
votes or more must be elected. 4001 votes is in 
that case enough to elect a candidate. This suffi- 
cient number of votes is called the quotas and any 
one who has more than that number of votes has 
obviously got more votes than is needful for election. 
So, to begin with, the voting papers are classified 
according to their first votes, and any candidates 
who have got more than a quota of first votes are 
forthwith declared elected. But most of these 
elected men would under the old system waste 
votes because they would have too many; for 
manifestly a candidate who gets more than the 
quota of votes needs only a fraction of each of these 
votes to return him. If, for instance, he gets double 



DEMOCRACY 127 

the quota he needs only half each vote. He takes 
that fraction, therefore, under this new and better 
system, and the rest of each vote is entered on to 
No. 2 upon that voting paper. And so on. Now 
this is an extremely easy job for an accountant 
or skilled computer, and it is quite easily checked 
by any other accountant and skilled computer. 
A reader with a bad arithmetical education, 
ignorant of the very existence of such a thing as 
a slide rule, knowing nothing of account keeping, 
who thinks of himself working out the resultant 
fractions with a stumpy pencil on a bit of greasy 
paper in a bad light, may easily think of this transfer 
of fractions as a dangerous and terrifying process. 
It is, for a properly trained man, the easiest, exact- 
est job conceivable. The Cash Register people will 
invent machines to do it for you while you wait. 
What happens, then, is that every candidate with 
more than a quota, beginning with the top candi- 
date, sheds a fraction of each vote he has received, 
down the list, and the next one sheds his surplus 
fraction in the same way, and so on until candidates 
lower in the list, who are at first below the quota, 
fill up to it. When all the surplus votes of the 
candidates at the head of the list have been dis- 
posed of, then the hopeless candidates at the bottom 
of the list are dealt with. The second votes on 
their voting papers are treated as whole votes and 



128 DEMOCRACY 

distributed up the list, and so on. It will be plain 
to the quick-minded that, towards the end, there 
will be a certain chasing about of little fractions 
of votes, and a slight modification of the quota 
due to voting papers having no second or third 
preferences marked upon them, a chasing about 
that it will be difficult for an untrained intelli- 
gence to follow. But untrained intelligences are 
not required to follow it. For the skilled computer 
these things offer no difficulty at all. And they 
are not difficulties of principle but of manipulation. 
One might as well refuse to travel in a taxicab 
until the drivei* had explained the magneto as 
refuse to accept the principle of Proportional 
Representation by the single transferable vote 
until one had remedied all the deficiencies of one's 
arithmetical education. The fundamental principle 
of the thing, that a candidate who gets more votes 
than he wants is made to hand on a fraction of 
each vote to the voter's second choice, and that 
a candidate whose chances are hopeless is made 
to hand on the whole vote to the voter's second 
choice, so that practically only a small number 
of votes are ineffective, is within the compass of 
the mind of a boy of ten. 

But simple as this method is, it completely kills 
the organization and manipulation of voting. It 
completely solves the Goldbug-Wurstberg-Sanity 



DEMOCRACY 129 

problem. It is knave-proof — short of forging, 
stealing, or destroying voting papers. A man of 
repute, a leaderly man, may defy all the party 
organizations in existence and stand beside and be 
returned over the head of a worthless man, though 
the latter be smothered with party labels. That 
is the gist of this business. The difference in 
effect between Proportional Representation and 
the old method of voting must ultimately be to 
change the moral and intellectual quality of elected 
persons profoundly. People are only beginning to 
realize the huge possibilities of advance inherent 
in this change of political method. It means no 
less than a revolution from " delegate democracy " 
to " selective democracy." 

Now, I will not pretend to be anything but a 
strong partizan in this matter. When I speak of 
" democracy " I mean " selective democracy." I 
believe that " delegate democracy " is already 
provably a failure in the world, and that the reason 
why to-day, after three and a half years of struggle, 
we are still fighting German autocracy and fighting 
with no certainty of absolute victory, is because 
the affairs of the three great Atlantic democracies 
have been largely in the hands not of selected men 
but of delegated men, men of intrigue and the party 
machine, of dodges rather than initiatives, second- 
rate men. When Lord Haldane, defending his 

E 



130 DEMOCRACY 

party for certain insufficiencies in their preparation 
for the eventuality of the great war, pleaded that 
they had no " mandate " from the country to do 
anything of the sort, he did more than commit 
political suicide, he bore conclusive witness against 
the whole system which had made him what he 
was. Neither Britain nor France in this struggle 
has produced better statesmen nor better generals 
than the German autocracy. The British and 
French Foreign Offices are old monarchist organiza- 
tions still. To this day the British and French 
politicians haggle and argue with the German 
ministers upon petty points and debating society 
advantages, smart and cunning, while the peoples 
perish. The one man who has risen to the greatness 
of this great occasion, the man who is, in default 
of any rival, rapidly becoming the leader of the 
world towards peace, is neither a delegate poli- 
tician nor the choice of a monarch and his council- 
lors. He is the one authoritative figure in these 
transactions whose mind has not been subdued 
either by long discipline in the party machine or 
by court intrigue, who has continued his education 
beyond those early twenties when the mind of the 
" budding politician " ceases to expand, who has 
thought, and thought things out, who is an educated 
man among dexterous under-educated specialists. 
By something very like a belated accident in the 



DEMOCRACY 181 

framing of the American constitution, the President 
of the United States is more in the nature of a 
selected man than any other conspicuous figure at 
the present time. He is specially elected by a special 
electoral college after an elaborate preliminary selec- 
tion of candidates by the two great party machines. 
And be it remembered that Mr. Wilson is not the 
first great President the United States have had, 
he is one of a series of figures who tower over their 
European contemporaries. The United States have 
had many advantageous circumstances to thank for 
their present ascendancy in the world's affairs : 
isolation from militarist pressure for a century and 
a quarter, a vast virgin continent, plenty of land, 
freedom from centralization, freedom from titles 
and social vulgarities, common schools, a real demo- 
cratic spirit in its people, and a great enthusiasm 
for universities ; but no single advantage has been 
so great as this happy accident which has given it 
a specially selected man as its voice and figurehead 
in the world's affairs. In the average congressman, 
in the average senator, as Ostrogorski's great book 
so industriously demonstrated, the United States 
have no great occasion for pride. Neither the 
Senate nor the House of Representatives seem to 
rise above the level of the British Houses of Parlia- 
ment, with a Government unable to control the 
rebel forces of Ulster, unable to promote or dismiss 



132 DEMOCRACY 

generals without an outcry, weakly amenable to 
the press, and terrifyingly incapable of great designs. 
It is to the United States of America we must look 
now if the world is to be made " safe for democracy." 
It is to the method of selection, as distinguished 
from delegation, that we must look if democracy is 
to be saved from itself. 



X 



THE RECENT STRUGGLE FOR PROPORTIONAL REPRE- 
SENTATION IN GREAT BRITAIN 

British political life resists cleansing with all the 

vigour of a dirty little boy. It is nothing to your 

politician that the economic and social organization 

of all the world is strained almost to the pitch of 

collapse, and that it is vitally important to mankind 

that everywhere the whole will and intelligence of 

the race should be enlisted in the great tasks of 

making a permanent peace and reconstructing the 

shattered framework of society. These are remote, 

unreal considerations to the politician. What is 

the world to him ? He has scarcely heard of it. 

He has been far too busy as a politician. He has 

been thinking of smart little tricks in the lobby and 

brilliant exploits at question time. He has been 

thinking of jobs and appointments, of whether Mr. 

Asquith is likely to " come back " and how far it is 

safe to bank upon L. G. His one supreme purpose 

is to keep affairs in the hands of his own specialized 

set, to keep the old obscure party game going, to 

133 



134 DEMOCRACY 

rig his little- tricks behind a vast, silly camouflage 
of sham issues, to keep out able men and disin- 
terested men, the public mind, and the general 
intelligence, from any effective interference with 
his disastrous manipulations of the common weal. 

I do not see how any intelligent and informed 
man can have followed the recent debates in the 
House of Commons upon Proportional Representa- 
tion without some gusts of angry contempt. They 
were the most pitiful and alarming demonstration 
of the intellectual and moral quality of British 
public life at the present time. 

From the wire-pullers of the Fabian Society and 
from the party organizers of both Liberal and Tory 
party alike, and from the knowing cards, the pot- 
house shepherds, and jobbing lawyers who " work " 
the constituencies, comes the chief opposition to 
this straightening out of our electoral system so 
urgently necessary and so long overdue. They 
have fought it with a zeal and efficiency that is 
rarely displayed in the nation's interest. From 
nearly every outstanding man outside that little 
inner world of political shams and dodges, who has 
given any attention to the question, comes, on the 
other hand, support for this reform. Even the 
great party leaders, Mr. Balfour and Mr. Asquith, 
were in its favour. One might safely judge this 
question by considering who are the advocates on 



DEMOCRACY 135 

either side. But the best arguments for Propor- 
tional Representation arise out of its opponents' 
speeches, and to these I will confine my attention 
now. Consider Lord Harcourt — heir to the most 
sacred traditions of the party game — hurling scorn 
at a project that would introduce " faddists, mug- 
wumps," and so on and so on — in fact independent 
thinking men — into the legislature. Consider the 
value of Lord Curzon's statement that London 
" rose in revolt " against the project. Do you 
remember that day, dear reader, when the streets 
of London boiled with passionate men shouting, 
" No Proportional Representation ! Down with 
Proportional Representation " ? You don't. Nor 
do I. But what happened was that the guinea- 
pigs and solicitors and nobodies, the party hacks 
who form the bulk of London's misrepresentation 
in the House of Commons, stampeded in terror 
against a proposal that threatened to wipe them 
out and replace them by known and responsible 
men. London, alas I does not seem to care how 
its members are elected. What Londoner knows 
anji^hing about his member ? Hundreds of thou- 
sands of Londoners do not even know which of the 
ridiculous constituencies into which the politicians 
have dismembered our London they are in. Only 
as I was writing this in my flat in St. James's 
Court, Westminster, did it occur to me to inquire 



186 DEMOCRACY 

who was representing me in the councils of the 
nation while I write. . . . 

After some slight difficulty I ascertained that 
my representative is a Mr. Burdett Coutts, who was, 
in the romantic eighties, Mr. Ashmead-Bartlett. 
And by a convenient accident I find that the other 
day he moved to reject the Proportional Repre- 
sentation Amendment made by the House of Lords 
to the Representation of the People Bill, so that 
I am able to look up the debate in Hansard and 
study my opinions as he represented them and this 
question at one and the same time. And, taking 
little things first, I am proud and happy to discover 
that the member for me was the only participator 
in the debate who, in the vulgar and reprehensible 
phrase, " threw a dead cat," or, in polite terms, 
displayed classical learning. My member said, 
" Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes,^^ with a rather 
graceful compliment to the Labour Conference at 
Nottingham. " I could not help thinking to my- 
self," said my member, " that at that conference 
there must have been many men of sufficient 
classical reading to say to themselves, ' Timeo 
Danaos et dona ferentes.^ " In which surmise he 
was quite right. Except perhaps for " Tempus 
fugiW^ " verbum. sap.,'' " Arma virumque," and 
" Quis custodieW' there is no better known relic of 
antiquity. But my member went a little beyond 



DEMOCRACY 137 

my ideas when he said : " We are asked to enter 
upon a method of legislation which can bear no 
other description than that of law-making in the 
dark," because I think it can bear quite a lot of 
other descriptions. This was, however, the artistic 
prelude to a large, vague, gloomy dissertation about 
nothing very definite, a muddling up of the main 
question with the minor issue of a schedule of 
constituencies involved in the proposal. 

The other parts of my member's speech do not, 
I confess, fill me with the easy confidence I would 
like to feel in my proxy. Let me extract a few 
gems of eloquence from the speech of this voice 
which speaks for me, and give also the only argu- 
ment he advanced that needs consideration. " His- 
tory repeats itself," he said, *' very often in curious 
ways as to facts, but generally with very different 
results." That, honestly, I like. It is a sentence 
one can read over several times. But he went on 
to talk of the entirely different scheme for minority 
representation, which was introduced into the 
Reform Bill of 1867, and there I am obliged to 
part company with him. That was a silly scheme 
for giving two votes to each voter in a three- 
member constituency. It has about as much 
resemblance to the method of scientific voting 
under discussion as a bath-chair has to an aeroplane. 
" But that measure of minority representation 



138 DEMOCRACY 

led to a baneful invention," my representative went 
on to say, " and left behind it a hateful memory 
in the Birmingham caucus. I well remember that 
when I stood for Parliament thirty-two years ago 
we had no better platform weapon than repeating over 
and over again in a sentence the name of Mr. Schnad- 
horsty and I am not sure that it would not serve the 
same purpose now. Under that system the work 
of the caucus was, of course, far simpler than it will 
be if this system ever comes into operation. All 
the caucus had to do under that measure was to 
divide the electors into three groups and with three 
candidates, A., B., and C, to order one group to 
vote for A. and B., another for B. and C, and the 
third for A. and C, and they carried the whole of 
their candidates and kept them for many years. 
But the multiplicity of ordinal preferences, second, 
third, fourth, fifth, up to tenth, which the single 
transferable vote system would involve, will require 
a more scientific handling in party interests, and 
neither party will be able to face an election with 
any hope of success without the assistance of the 
most drastic form of caucus and without its orders 
being carried out by the elector sJ*^ 

Now, I swear by Heaven that, lowly creature 
as I am, a lost vote, a nothing, voiceless and help- 
less in public affairs, I am not going to stand the 
imputation that that sort of reasoning represents 



DEMOCRACY 189 

the average mental quality of Westminster — out- 
side Parliament, that is. Most of my neighbours 
in St. James's Court, for example, have quite large 
pieces of head above their eyebrows. Read these 
above sentences over and ponder their significance 
— so far as they have any significance. Never mind 
my keen personal humiliation at this display of the 
mental calibre of my representative, but consider 
what the mental calibre of a House must be that 
did not break out into loud guffaws at such a 
passage. The line of argument is about as lucid 
as if one reasoned that because one can break a 
window with a stone it is no use buying a telescope. 
And it remains entirely a matter for speculation 
whether my member is arguing that a caucus can 
rig an election carried on under the Proportional 
Representation system or that it cannot. At the 
first blush it seems to read as if he intended the 
former. But be careful I Did he ? Let me sug- 
gest that in that last sentence hie really expresses 
the opinion that it cannot. It can be read either 
way. Electors under modern conditions are not 
going to obey the " orders " of even the " most 
drastic caucus " — whatever a " drastic caucus " 
may be. Why should they ? In the Birmingham 
instance it was only a section of the majority, 
voting by wards, in an election on purely party 
lines, which " obeyed " in order to keep out the 



140 DEMOCRACY 

minority party candidate. I think myself that 
my member's mind waggled. Perhaps his real 
thoughts shone out through an argument not in- 
tended to betray them. What he did say as 
much as he said anything was that under Propor- 
tional Representation, elections are going to be very 
troublesome and difficult for party candidates. If 
that was his intention, then, after all, I forgive 
him much. I think that and more than that. I 
think that they are going to make party candidates 
who are merely party candidates impossible. That 
is exactly what we reformers are after. Then I 
shall get a representative more to my taste than 
Mr. Burdett Coutts. 

But let me turn now to the views of other 
people's representatives. 

Perhaps the most damning thing ever said 
against the present system, damning because of 
its empty absurdity, was uttered by Sir Thomas 
Whittaker. He was making the usual exaggerations 
of the supposed difficulties of the method. He 
said English people didn't like such " complica- 
tions." They like a " straight fight between two 
men." Think of it I A straight fight ! For more 
than a quarter-century I have been a voter, usually 
with votes in two or three constituencies, and never 
in all that long political life have I seen a single 
straight fight in an election, but only the dismallest 



DEMOCRACY 141 

sham fights it is possible to conceive. Thrice only 
in all that time have I cast a vote for a man whom 
I respected. On all other occasions the election 
that mocked my citizenship was either an arranged 
walk-over for one party or the other, or I had a 
choice between two unknown persons, mysteriously 
selected as candidates by obscure busy people with 
local interests in the constituency. Every intelli- 
gent person knows that this is the usual experience 
of a free and independent voter in England. The 
" fight " of an ordinary Parliamentary election in 
England is about as " straight " as the business of 
a thimble rigger. 

And consider just what these " complications " 
are of which the opponents of Proportional Repre- 
sentation chant so loudly. In the sham election of 
to-day, which the politicians claim gives them a 
mandate to muddle up our affairs, the voter puts 
a X against the name of the least detestable of the 
two candidates that are thrust upon him. Under 
the Proportional Representation method there will 
be a larger constituency, a larger list of candidates, 
and a larger number of people to be elected, and he 
will put 1 against the name of the man he most 
wants to be elected, 2 against his second choice, 
and if he likes he may indulge in marking a third, 
or even a further choice. He may, if he thinks fit, 
number off the whole list of candidates. That is 



142 DEMOCRACY 

all he will have to do. That is the stupendous 
intricacy of the method that flattens out the minds 
of Lord Harcourt and Sir Thomas Whittaker. And 
as for the working of it, if you must go into that, 
all that happens is that if your first choice gets more 
votes than he needs for his return, he takes only the 
fraction of your vote that he requires, and the rest 
of the vote goes on to your Number 2. If 2 isn't 
in need of all of it, the rest goes on to 3. And so on. 
That is the profound mathematical mystery, that 
is the riddle beyond the wit of Westminster, which 
overpowers these fine intelligences and sets them 
babbling of " senior wranglers." Each time there 
is a debate on this question in the House, member 
after member hostile to the proposal will play the 
ignorant fool and pretend to be confused himself, 
and will try to confuse others, by deliberately 
clumsy statements of these most elementary ideas. 
Surely if there were no other argument for a change 
of type in the House, these poor knitted brows, 
these public perspirations of the gentry who "can- 
not understand P.R.," should suffice. 

But let us be just ; it is not all pretence ; the 
inability of Mr. Austen Chamberlain to grasp the 
simple facts before him was undoubtedly genuine. 
He followed Mr. Burdett Coutts, in support of 
Mr. Burdett Coutts, with the most Christian dis- 
regard of the nasty things Mr. Burdett Coutts had 



DEMOCRACY 143 

seemed to be saying about the Birmingham caucus 
from which he sprang. He had a childish story 
to tell of how voters would not give their first 
votes to their real preferences, because they would 
assume he " would get in in any case " — God 
knows why. Of course on the assumption that 
the voter behaves like an idiot, anything is possible. 
And never apparently having heard of fractions, 
this great Birmingham leader was unable to under- 
stand that a voter who puts 1 against a candidate's 
name votes for that candidate anyhow. He could 
not imagine any feeling on the part of the voter 
that No. 1 was his man. A vote is a vote to 
this simple rather than lucid mind, a thing one and 
indivisible. Read this — 

" Birmingham," he said, referring to a Schedule 
under consideration, "is to be cut into three con- 
stituencies of four members each. I am to have a 
constituency of 100,000 electors, I suppose. How 
many thousand inhabitants I do not know. Every 
effort will he made to prevent any of those electors 
knowing — in fact, it would he impossible for any of 
them to know — whether they voted for me or not, or 
at any rate whether they effectively voted for me or 
not, or whether the vote which they wished to give to 
me was really diverted to somehody else." 

Only in a house of habitually inattentive men 
could any one talk such nonsense without reproof. 



144 DEMOCRACY 

but I look in vain through Hansard's record of this 
debate for a single contemptuous reference to Mr. 
Chamberlain's obtuseness. And the rest of his 
speech was a lamentable account of the time and 
trouble he would have to spend upon his consti- 
tuents if the new method came in. He was the 
perfect figure of the parochially important person 
in a state of defensive excitement. No doubt his 
speech appealed to many in the House. 

Of course Lord Harcourt was quite right in 
saying that the character of the average House of 
Commons member will be changed by Proportional 
Representation. It will. It will make the election 
of obscure and unknown men, of carpet-bag candi- 
dates who work a constituency as a hawker works 
a village, of local pomposities and village-pump 
" leaders " almost impossible. It will replace such 
candidates by better known and more widely 
known men. It will make the House of Commons 
so much the more a real gathering of the nation, 
so much the more a house of representative men. 
(Lord Harcourt's " faddists and mugwumps.") 
And it is perfectly true as Mr. Ramsay Macdonald 
(also an opponent) declares, that Proportional 
Representation means constituencies so big that 
it will be impossible for a poor man to cultivate 
and work them. That is unquestionable. But, 
mark another point, it will also make it useless, 



DEMOCRACY 145 

as Mr. Chamberlain has testified, for rich men to 
cultivate and work them. All this cultivating 
and working, all this going about and making 
things right with this little jobber here, that 
contractor there, all the squaring of small political 
clubs and organizations, all the subscription black- 
niail and charity bribery, that now makes a 
Parliamentary candidature so utterly rotten an 
influence upon public life, will be killed dead by 
Proportional Representation. You cannot job 
men into Parliament by Proportional Representa- 
tion. Proportional Representation lets in the 
outsider. It lets in the common, unassigned voter 
who isn't in the local clique. That is the clue to 
nearly all this opposition of the politicians. It 
makes democracy possible for the first time in 
modern history. And that poor man of Mr. Ramsay 
Macdonald's imagination, instead of cadging about 
a constituency in order to start politician, will have 
to make good in some more useful way — as a leader 
of the workers in their practical affairs, for example 
— before people will hear of him and begin to believe 
in him. 

The opposition to Proportional Representation 
of Mr. Sidney Webb and his little circle is a trifle 
more " scientific " in tone than these naive objec- 
tions of the common run of antagonist, but under- 
lying it is the same passionate desire to keep politics 



146 DEMOCRACY 

a close game for the politician and to bar out the 
politically unspecialized man. There is more con- 
ceit and less jobbery behind the criticisms of this 
type of mind. It is an opposition based on the 
idea that the common man is a fool who does not 
know what is good for him. So he has to be stam- 
peded. Politics, according to this school, is a sort 
of cattle-driving. 

The Webbites do not deny the broad facts of 
the case. Our present electoral system, with our 
big modern constituencies of thousands of voters, 
leads to huge turnovers of political power with a 
relatively small shifting of public opinion. It 
makes a mock of public opinion by caricature, and 
Parliament becomes the distorting mirror of the 
nation. Under some loud false issue a few score 
of thousands of votes turn over, and in goes this 
party or that with a big sham majority. This the 
Webbites admit. But they applaud it. It gives 
us, they say, " a strong Government." Public 
opinion, the intelligent man outside the House, is 
ruled out of the game. He has no power of inter- 
vention at all. The artful little Fabian politicians 
rub their hands and say, " Now we can get to work 
with the wires ! No one can stop us." And when 
the public complains of the results, there is always 
the repartee, " You elected them." But the Fabian 
psychology is the psychology of a very small group 



DEMOCRACY 147 

of pedants who believe that fair ends may be 
reached by foul means. It is much easier and more 
natural to serve foul ends by foul means. In prac- 
tice it is not tricky benevolence but tricky bargain- 
ing among the interests that will secure control of 
the political wires. That is a bad enough state of 
affairs in ordinary times, but in times of tragic neces- 
sity like the present men will not be mocked in this 
way. Life is going to be very intense in the years 
ahead of us. If we go right on to another caricature 
Parliament, with perhaps half a hundred leading 
men in it and the rest hacks and nobodies, the 
baffled and discontented outsiders in the streets 
may presently be driven to rioting and the throwing 
of bombs. Unless, indeed, the insurrection of the 
outsiders takes a still graver form, and the Press, 
which has ceased entirely to be a Party Press in 
Great Britain, helps some adventurous Prime 
Minister to flout and set aside the lower House 
altogether. There is neither much moral nor much 
physical force behind the House of Commons at the 
present time. 

The argument of the Fabian opponents to 
Proportional Representation is frankly that the 
strongest Government is got in a House of half a 
himdred or fewer leading men, with the rest of 
the Parliament driven sheep. But the whole 
mischief of the present system is that the obscure 



148 DEMOCRACY 

members of Parliament are not sheep ; they are 
a crowd of little-minded, second-rate men just 
as greedy and eager and self-seeking as any of us. 
They vote straight indeed on all the main party 
questions, they obey their Whips like sheep then ; 
but there is a great bulk of business in Parliament 
outside the main party questions, and obedience 
is not without its price. These are matters vitally 
affecting our railways and ships and communica- 
tions generally, the food and health of the people, 
armaments, every sort of employment, the appoint- 
ment of public servants, the everyday texture of 
all our lives. Then the nobody becomes some- 
body, the party hack gets busy, the rat is in the 
granary. . . . 

In these recent debates in the House of Commons 
one can see every stock trick of the wire-puller in 
operation. Particularly we have the old dodge 
of the man who is "in theory quite in sympathy 
with Proportional Representation, but ..." It 
is, he declares regretfully, too late. It will cause 
delay. Difficult to make arrangements. Later on 
perhaps. And so on. It is never too late for a 
vital issue. Upon the speedy adoption of Propor- 
tional Representation depends, as Mr. Balfour 
made plain in an admirable speech, whether the 
great occasions of the peace and after the peace 
are to be handled by a grand council of all that is 



DEMOCRACY 149 

best and most leaderlike in the nation, or whether 
they are to be left to a few leaders, apparently 
leading, but really profoundly swayed by the 
obscure crowd of politicians and jobbers behind 
them. Are the politicians to hamper and stifle 
us in this supreme crisis of our national destinies 
or are we British peoples to have a real control 
of our own affairs in this momentous time ? 
Are men of light and purpose to have a voice in 
public affairs or not ? Proportional Representa- 
tion is supremely a test question. It is a question 
that no adverse decision in the House of Commons 
can stifle. There are too many people now who 
grasp its importance and significance. Every one 
who sets a proper value upon purity in public 
life and the vitality of democratic institutions 
will, I am convinced, vote and continue to vote 
across every other question against the antiquated, 
foul, and fraudulent electoral methods that have 
hitherto robbed democracy of three-quarters of its 
efficiency. 



L 2 



XI 

THE STUDY AND PROPAGANDA OF DEMOCRACY 

In the preceding chapter I have dealt with the 
discussion of Proportional Representation in the 
British House of Commons in order to illustrate 
the intellectual squalor amidst which pubUc affairs 
have to be handled at the present time, even 
in a country professedly " democratic." I have 
taken this one discussion as a sample to illustrate 
the present imperfection of our democratic instru- 
ment. All over the world, in every country, 
great multitudes of intelligent and serious people 
are now inspired by the idea of a new order of 
things in the world, of a world-wide establishment 
of peace and mutual aid between nation and 
nation and man and man. But, chiefly because 
of the elementary crudity of existing electoral 
methods, hardly anywhere at present, except at 
Washington, do these great ideas and this world- 
wide will find expression. Amidst the other 
politicians and statesmen of the world President 
Wilson towers up with an effect almost divine. 

160 



DEMOCRACY 151 

But it is no ingratitude to him to say that he is 
not nearly so exceptional a being among educated 
men as he is among the official leaders of mankind. 
Everywhere now one may find something of the 
Wilson purpose and intelligence, but nearly every- 
where it is silenced or muffled or made ineffective 
by the political advantage of privileged or of 
violent and adventurous inferior men. He is 
" one of us," but it is his good fortune to have got 
his head out of the sack that is about the heads 
of most of us. In the official world, in the world 
of rulers and representatives and " statesmen," he 
almost alone, speaks for the modern intelligence. 

This general stifling of the better intelligence 
of the world and its possible release to expression 
and power, seems to me to be the fundamental issue 
underlying all the present troubles of mankind. 
We cannot get on while everywhere fools and 
vulgarians hold the levers that can kill, imprison, 
silence and starve men. We cannot get on with 
false government and we cannot get on with mob 
government; we must have right government. 
The intellectual people of the world have a duty 
of co-operation they have too long neglected. The 
modernization of political institutions, the study 
of these institutions until we have worked out and 
achieved the very best and most efficient methods 
whereby the whole community of mankind may 



152 DEMOCRACY 

work together under the direction of its chosen 
intelUgences, is the comm,on duty of every one 
who has a brain for the service. And before 
everything else we have to reahze this crudity 
and imperfection in what we call " democracy " 
at the present time. Democracy is still chiefly 
an aspiration, it is a spirit, it is an idea ; for 
the most part its methods are still to seek. And 
still more is this " League of Free Nations " as 
yet but an aspiration. Let us not underrate the 
task before us.- Only the disinterested devotion 
of hundreds of thousands of active brains in 
school, in pulpit, in book and press and assembly 
can ever bring these redeeming conceptions down 
to the solid earth to rule. 

All round the world there is this same obscura- 
tion of the real intelligence of men. In Germany, 
human good will and every fine mind are subordi- 
nated to political forms that have for a mouth- 
piece a Chancellor with his brains manifestly 
addled by the theories of WeU-Politik and the 
Bismarckian tradition, and for a figurehead a 
mad Kaiser. Nevertheless there comes even from 
Germany muffled cries for a new age. A grinning 
figure like a bloodstained Punch is all that speaks 
for the best brains in Bulgaria. Yes. We Western 
allies know all that by heart ; but, after all, the 
immediate question for each one of us is, " What 



DEMOCRACY 153 

speaks for me?'" So far as official political forms 
go I myself am as ineffective as any right-thinking 
German or Bulgarian could possibly be. I am more 
ineffective than a Galician Pole or a Bohemian 
who votes for his nationalist representative. 
Politically I am a negligible item in the con- 
stituency of this Mr. Burdett Coutts into whose 
brain we have been joeeping. Politically I am 
less than a waistcoat button on that quaint figure. 
And that is all I am — except that I revolt. I have 
written of it so far as if it were just a joke. But 
indeed bad and foolish political institutions cannot 
be a joke. Sooner or later they prove themselves 
to be tragedy. This war is that. It is yesterday's 
lazy, tolerant, "sense of humour" wading out now 
into the lakes of blood it refused to foresee. 

It is absurd to suppose that anywhere to-day 
the nationalisms, the suspicions and hatreds, the 
cants and policies, and dead phrases that sway 
men represent the current intelligence of mankind; 
They are merely the evidences of its disorganiza- 
tion. Even now we know we could do far better. 
Give mankind but a generation or so of peace and 
right education and this world could mock at the 
poor imaginations that conceived a millennium. 
But we have to get intelligences together, we have 
to canalize thought before it can work and produce 
its due effects. To that end, I suppose, there has 



154 DEMOCRACY 

been a vast amount of mental activity among us 
political "negligibles." For my own part I have 
thought of the idea of God as the banner of human 
unity and justice, and I have made some tentatives 
in that direction, but men, I perceive, have argued 
themselves mean and petty about religion. At the 
word " God " passions bristle. The word " God " 
does not unite men, it angers them. But I doubt 
if God cares greatly whether we call Him God or 
no. His service is the service of man. This double 
idea of the League of Free Nations, linked with the 
idea of democracy as universal justice, is free from 
the jealousy of the theologians and great enough 
for men to unite upon everywhere. I know how 
warily one must reckon with the spite of the priest, 
but surely these ideas may call upon the teachers 
of all the great world religions for their support. 
The world is full now of confused propaganda, 
propaganda of national ideas, of traditions of hate, 
of sentimental and degrading loyalties, of every 
sort of error that divides and tortures and slays 
mankind. All human institutions are made of 
propaganda, are sustained by propaganda and 
perish when it ceases ; they must be continually 
explained and re-explained to the young and the 
negligent. And for this new world of democracy and 
the League of Free Nations to which all reasonable 
men are looking, there must needs be the greatest 



DEMOCRACY 165 

of all propagandas. For that cause every one 
must become a teacher and a missionary. " Per- 
suade to it and make the idea of it and the necessity 
for it plain," that is the duty of every school 
teacher, every tutor, every religious teacher, every 
writer, every lectijrer, every parent, every trusted 
friend throughout the world. For it, too, every 
one must become a student, must go on with 
the task of making vague intentions into definite 
intentions, of analyzing and destroying obstacles, of 
mastering the ten thousand difficulties of detail. . . . 
I am a man who looks now towards the end of 
life ; fifty-one years have I scratched off from 
my calendar, another slips by, and I cannot tell 
how many more of the sparse remainder of possible 
years are really mine. I Uve in days of hardship 
and privation, when it seems more natural to feel 
ill than well ; without holidays or rest or peace ; 
friends and the sons of my friends have been killed; 
death seems to be feeling always now for those I 
most love; the newspapers that come in to my 
house tell mostly of blood and disaster, of drownings 
and slaughterings, of cruelties and base intrigues. 
Yet never have I been so sure that there is a divinity 
in man and that a great order of human life, a 
reign of justice and world-wide happiness, of 
plenty, power, hope, and gigantic creative effort, 
lies close at hand. Even now we have the science 



156 DEMOCRACY 

and the ability available for a universal welfare, 
though it is scattered about the world like a handful 
of money diopped by a child; even now there 
exists all the knowledge that is needed to make 
mankind universally free and human life sweet 
and noble. We need but the faith for it, and it is 
at hand ; we need but the courage to lay our hands 
upon it and in a little space of years it can be ours. 



THE END 



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